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correspondent, that it was absurd for Prussia to set herself up as the champion of the principle of legitimacy all the world over, when it had been discarded by every nation outside Germany. Such a course in his opinion only tended to disable the King and his Government from fulfilling their first duty of securing Prussia against wrongs from within and without. If it were carried out to the full extent, it would entail the necessity of "applauding the hallucinations of the petty princes who, supposing that they are powers, avail themselves of the pedestal of our own might to play at kings." "And yet," as he adds with a characteristic frankness and bluntness of expression, which we should spoil by paraphrasing, "all this swindle is unauthorized by the history of the past, is quite new, unhistorical, and equally opposed to the teachings of God as to the rights of mankind." So long ago as 1861 we find him blaming the conduct of the Conservative party in declaring against the German republic. No party, he reminded them, could be always on the defensive, and he strongly urged that they should then take up the subject of Federal Reform in a vigorous and practical spirit. He was even at that time willing to assent to the creation of a Federal representative assembly, for, as he observed with great point, he could see no reason why the Conservatives should object to such a body as a part of the Government of Germany, although they would be unwilling to dispense with it as a portion of the Prussian Constitution. In point of fact, although he had no love of constitutionalism, he had no fear of it; he was willing to use it or any other means to accomplish his main object; and he saw clearly enough that it was only by invoking the action of the people in some form or other that he could surmount the selfish opposition of minor sovereigns. Upon that conviction he is acting now, as may be seen from the influential place assigned to a representative chosen by a very popular suffrage, in the new North German constitution; and it certainly gives us universal confidence in his sincerity when we find that he held the language we have quoted in a private corresponence which took place more than six years ago. Towards Austria his hostility, and something like contempt, are freely expressed in these letters; and it is also plain from these, that whatever might have been the views of other Prussian statesmen, Count Bismarck never contemplated the erection of Slesvig-Holstein into a separate principality. To him it ap

peared nothing short of an absurdity that Prussia should incur the risk and the expense of a war for the purpose of adding another to the little States which distracted the councils of Germany, and afforded a constant opening for foreign intervention. He saw, in the agitation to which the subject gave rise, an opportunity for aggrandizing his own country; and if he could turn it to account he was quite prepared to avail himself of it. But, as he explained the other day to the Chamber of Deputies, he regarded the Duke of Augustenburg as neither more nor less than an ally of Austria, and was fully determined that he should never ascend the throne to which he aspired until he had acceded to such terms as would virtually render him a vassal of Prussia. Throughout the whole series of transactions which culminated in the Peace of Nikolsburg, it is evident that he looked upon the Duchies as mere pawns in the great game that he was playing, and that in every move he made, he kept steadily before his eyes the great object of building up a strong and independent Germany, from which Austria should be excluded. Looking back upon these events by the light of our present knowledge, it is impossible not to regard with admiration the clearness of reason, the tenacity of purpose, and the ready adaptation of means to ends which he displayed; and while we cannot help condemning many things which he did, we must admit that never was a statesman more entitled to regard a great triumph as in the most emphatic sense his own work.

We regret to find, from the speech to which we have already alluded, and from the debate in the Prussian Chambers on the union of Slesvig-Holstein with Prussia, that there is but little prospect of the cession of Northern Slesvig to Denmark. With his usual frankness, Count Bismarck explained the reason why he consented to insert in the treaty of peace a stipulation that the people of that province should be permitted to decide by a vote whether they would return to Denmark or would continue under Prussian rule. As every one believed at the time, this was done simply in deference to France, as a sort of solace to the Emperor Napoleon, under the heavy mortification which the result of the campaign had entailed upon him, and as a necessary condition of patching up a peace which might secure to Prussia all that she had won, if not all that she desired to attain. To use the words of the Minister

"No one could expect us to carry on two

wars at the same time. Peace with Austria | although they have postponed, sine die, the had not been concluded; were we to im- fulfilment of an engagement solemnly conperil the fruits of our glorious campaign by tracted for a no less valid consideration plunging into hostilities with a new, a second enemy ? No one can question the prudence of the decision; all we desire is that it should be carried out in good faith. That, however, seems more than doubtful; for, although Count Bismarck told the deputies that he was always of opinion that people who have no wish to be Prussians, and who cannot be expected to alter their opinions on this head-people who declare themselves to be nationally connected with a neighbouring State do not add to the power of the State from which they wish to separate, he went on to point out that the treaty is so vaguely worded as to allow Prussia a certain latitude in carrying it out. Now, it certainly is not calculated to give us much confidence in the honour or honesty of a party to an obligation when we find him taking credit for having drawn it up in such a way as to admit of evasion. Still less when that is followed up by the declaration that "we shall so act that the votes to be given by the people of North Slesvig, the issue of which is to be the basis of our future action, shall be the indubitable expression of the uninfluenced and definitive will of those voting." Can any one who recollects that Slesvig is at present governed by Prussian officials, who exercise the most despotic authority, doubt what this means? The only interpretation we can place upon it is, that the voting is to be put off until the voters have been seduced or coerced into the mood most favourable to the Power at whose mercy they are; that then, but not until then, the farce of a plebiscitum is to be gone through; and the fraud is thus to be worked as a sanction for the annexation which force has already effected. It is impossible to denounce in too strong terms the infamy of such a transaction; but we cannot say that it takes us by surprise. Throughout the whole of the Slesvig-Holstein business the Germans have shown a grasping, unscrupulous greed of territory, and a perfect insensibility to anything but the promptings of their own ambition, which has quite prepared us for any amount of disregard of good faith, honour, or justice. After all that has occurred, it is nothing more than might be expected, that with the article of the Treaty of Nikolsburg staring them in the face, the Prussian Chamber should vote the union to their own country by a majority of 300 to 30. But

than the acquiescence of France in their German annexations, they will do well to remember the warning of Count Bismarck, that "the Government cannot be released by Parliament from obligations legitimately entered into, and already sanctioned by the House." They may put off the disagreeable day as long as they please; they may even do all that in them lies to shuffle out of their bargain, but after all they must in the end reckon with the Emperor Napoleon. No doubt they think that he will never go to war for so small a matter as this, and we dare say that they are confident in their own power to hold their ground against him even if he did. But for all that, it is imprudent, to say the least of it, to leave a possible casus belli open between themselves and the ruler of France. It is all very well for Count Bismarck to argue at Berlin that France has rather gained than lost by the increase of Prussia and the exclusion of Austria from Germany. But he must be quite aware that that is not the way in which the subject is regarded either by the French people or by their Sovereign. Both feel sorely the loss of weight and influence which they have sustained by changes which close Germany against their intrigues, and render infinitely difficult the acquisition of the Rhine frontier. The Emperor cannot be insensible to the loss of prestige he has incurred by allowing this to take place, after he had expressly declared that nothing of the sort must happen without France receiving a territorial compensation. Under these circumstances, it is in the highest degree foolish to add insult to injury, by shamelessly violating a pledge like that in respect to North Slesvig. Although it is impossible to say how or when such outrage may be resented, it will assuredly not be forgotten, and will most likely in the end, if not just now, entail a just punishment. Moreover, even in this hour of their pride and their legitimate self-confidence, the Germans would do well to remember that the public opinion of Europe has not wholly lost its influence and power. To a nation however strong, character is of some value; and it is scarcely worth while to forget the respect and to excite the disgust of other countries for the sake of acquiring, by flagrant fraud, a few additional square miles of territory inhabited by an alien population.

No. 1183. Fourth Series, No. 44. 2 February, 1867.

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Thy mounds of dead, such ghastly ridges every-"Must I thank you, then," said the king," Sir where, Wrapped in a soft white shroud which veils our For flying so high, and hating the dark?

love's despair!

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Lark,

You ask a full cup for half a thirst:
Half is love of me, and half love to be first.
There's many a bird that makes no haste,
But waits till I come. That's as much to my
taste."

And the king hid his head in a turban of

cloud;

And the lark stopped singing, quite vexed and

cowed.

But he flew up higher, and thought, "Anon,
The wrath of the king will be over and gone;
And his crown, shining out of the cloudy fold,
Will change my brown feathers to a glory of
gold."

So he flew, with the strength of a lark he flew.
But, as he rose, the cloud rose too;
And not a gleam of the golden hair
Came through the depth of the misty air;
Till, weary with flying, with sighing sore,
The strong sun-seeker could do no more.
His wings had had no chrism of gold,

And his feathers felt withered and worn and old;

And he sank, and quivered, and dropped like a

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From the Saturday Review.

the Catholic world is loud in saying that his Government ought to be supported. But the support which the Catholics give to the POPE is very different from what Protestants would give to any one who happened to represent a principle dear to Protestantism. Only let us suppose that it was a question of arms and men and money whether the Bible should or should not be freely circulated through the world. Protestants would fight for their favourite tenet with a spirit and a heartiness which Catholic countries do not show in fighting for the temporal power. There must be something in Catholicism which in these days prevents it from affecting men powerfully in their political relations prevents it from being successful, and from being in harmony with the general current of modern thought; whereas Protestantism is evidently triumphant- it warms the hearts and guides the actions of men; it wins great battles and influences great nations. It falls in with the new relations that are beginning everywhere in the civilized world to subsist between those who rule and those who are ruled.

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THE RISE OF THE PROTESTANT POWERS. A NOTED French preacher took occasion a few days ago to compare the position of the Protestant with that of the Catholic Powers; and he entreated his hearers on no account to neglect the solemn warning which the comparison suggested. Germany, he said, has just concluded a triumphant war, and in Germany every soldier carried his new Testament in his knapsack. America has passed victoriously through a terrible crisis, and America sees in every great event a cause of national humiliation or national thanksgiving. England is prosperous, and in command of unbounded resources, and England keeps the Sabbath holy, and walks after her own fashion in the ways of righteousness. On the other hand, France alone of Catholic Powers is great; and France, the preacher thought, was in danger of losing her proud pre-eminance. The cause of this decay of strength in the Catholic world, so far as the preacher attempted to examine it, was scepticism; and he entreated his hearers to leave off What is it that makes Protestants strong being sceptical, both for their own sakes, and Catholics weak? There can be no and that France might again be great, and doubt as to the answer. Protestantism is Catholic Powers again triumphant. We the religion of the individual. He cannot need not follow him into a discussion on take as much or as little of it as he likes. the present state of French thought, but He is left alone with the New Testament, certainly he had invited the attention of his and has merely to ask himself the simple audience to one of the most important and question whether he wishes to be damned striking facts of modern history. The Prot- or to be saved, whatever may be the meanestant Powers are in the ascendant, and ing these words convey to him. But Catheir ascendency is clearly connected in tholicism is a great complex system, worked some way with their religion. There is a by other persons than the believer, imposed definiteness of purpose, an energy of action, on him from without, and which must be and a harmony between the governing and accepted or rejected as a whole. The conthe governed, in Protestant nations, which sequence is, that Catholics are either much there is not in Catholic nations. The only more devout than Protestants, or much more sovereign who is acting thoroughly and sceptical. And unless Catholics shut their honestly on Catholic principles is the Queen eyes to all the facts of the modern world, of SPAIN. She has got hold, as she thinks, it is very hard for them to be devout. A of absolute truth, and to neglect to impose Frenchman may be a very good sort of it on others is to peril her own soul. She person, and anxious to do rightly, and beis killing off people who are not of the right lieve rightly; but it is hard for him to perway of thinking, and imprisoning them, and suade himself that the Queen of SPAIN is sending them to die in misery in the utter- altogether in the right path, and that she most parts of the earth as fast as she can, has got hold of a creed which she ought to in order that Catholic truth may flourish in enforce by sending unbelievers or doubters Spain, and that she may find favour in the to the Philippine Islands. Viewed on the eyes of her confessor. But Spain does not side of religion, Catholicism has many adget on well under this system. There is a vantages over Protestantism. It reflects bitter hatred of the Government; it is pow-more truly that spirit which, whether the erless in Europe; it is insulted and despised real reflex of Christianity or not, has cerby the Spaniards of South America. The tainly been the spirit of Christendom for POPE, again, governs, and very naturally centuries. It develops more powerfully governs, on ecclesiastical principles, and many of the Christian virtues; it inspires a

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