JOHN DICKINSON (1732-1808) "The penman of the Revolution" is the title that has been bestowed upon John Dickinson, the most sane and yet the most inflexible demander of rights of the propagandists of the stormy decade preceding the war. As a native of Pennsylvania with its Quakers and its Germans, he lived in an atmosphere of conservative hard-headedness and moderation, and his demand was for firmness with England, for the yielding of not a single point, and yet for conciliation and equitable settlement. From a literary standpoint his writings surpass in excellence all the other political products of the era, and they equal at times even the best efforts of Burke. There is a universality about them that is lacking in Paine's impassioned appeals. They are full of sage epigrams, political apothegms, and wise observations that make them, in principle at least, living documents for statesmen, useful even in the settlement of presentday problems in government. "Their appearance," observes Tyler, the historian of the literature of their period, "may perhaps fairly be described as constituting, upon the whole, the most brilliant event in the literary history of the Revolution." Dickinson's most influential work appeared as a series of twelve letters written shortly after the Stamp Act episode, and copied into most of the newspapers of the time, and then issued in book form with the title Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies. The book was widely circulated and was, undoubtedly, like Paine's pamphlets, one of the forces that precipitated the war. Their author became the recipient of numberless honors and of torrents of praise. "The resources of language were strained," says a contemporary essayist, "in the effort to celebrate the genius and the virtue of a man who had so gloriously distinguished himself by asserting the rights and liberties of America." While he had fought with all the logic at his command against rebellion and independence, he was by no means a tory. When war became at length inevitable he did all in his power to win the conflict, using his pen always with cogent effect and even joining as a soldier the patriot army. LETTERS FROM A FARMER LETTER III Beloved Countrymen, 5 I rejoice to find, that my two former letters to you, have been generally received with so much favour by such of you whose sentiments I have had an opportunity of knowing. Could you 10 look into my heart, you would instantly perceive an ardent affection for your persons, a zealous attachment to your interests, a lively resentment of every insult and injury offered to your honour 15 or happiness, and an inflexible resolution to assert your rights, to the utmost of my weak power, to be the only motives that have engaged me to address you. I am no further concerned in anything 20 affecting America, than any one of you; and when liberty leaves it, I can quit it much more conveniently than most of you: but while Divine Providence, that gave me existence in a land of freedom, 25 permits my head to think, my lips to speak, and my hand to move, I shall so highly and gratefully value the blessing received, as to take care that my silence and inactivity shall not give my implied assent to any act degrading my brethren and myself from the birthright wherewith heaven itself "hath made us free." Sorry I am to learn, that there are some few persons, shake their heads with solemn motion, and pretend to wonder what can be the meaning of these letters. "Great Britain, they say, is too powerful to contend with; she is determined to oppress us; it is in vain to speak of right on one side, when there is power on the other; when we are strong enough to resist, we shall attempt it; but now we are not strong enough, and therefore we had better be quiet; it signifies nothing to convince us that our rights are invaded, when we cannot defend them; and if we should get into riots and tumults about the late Are these men ignorant, that usurpa- 10 tions, which might have been successfully opposed at first, acquire strength by continuance, and thus become irresistible? Do they condemn the conduct of these colonies, concerning the Stamp- 15 Act? Or have they forgot its successful issue? Ought the colonies at that time, instead of acting as they did, to have trusted for relief to the fortuitous events of futurity? If it is needless "to speak 20 of rights" now, it was as needless then. If the behaviour of the colonies was prudent and glorious then, and successful too, it will be equally prudent and glorious to act in the same manner now, if 25 our rights are equally invaded, and may be as successful. Therefore it becomes necessary to enquire, whether "our rights are invaded." To talk of "defending" them, as if they could be no otherwise 30 "defended" than by arms, is as much out of the way, as if a man having a choice of several roads to reach his journey's end, should prefer the worst, for no other reason, than because it is the 35 worst. As to "riots and tumults," the gentlemen who are so apprehensive of them, are much mistaken, if they think, that grievances cannot be redressed without 40 such assistance. modesty, bravery, humanity, and magnanimity. To such a wonderful degree were the ancient Spartans, as brave and as free a people as ever existed, inspired by this happy temperature of soul, that rejecting even in their battles the use of trumpets, and other instruments for exciting heat and rage, they marched up to scenes of havock and horror, with the sound of flutes, to the tunes of which their steps kept pace "exhibiting, as Plutarch says, at once a terrible and delightful sight, and proceeding with a deliberate valour, full of hope and good assurance, as if some divinity had insensibly assisted them." I hope, my dear countrymen, that you will, in every colony, be upon your guard against those who may at any time endeavour to stir you up, under pretense of patriotism, to any measures disrespectful to our Sovereign and our mother country. Hot, rash, disorderly proceedings, injure the reputation of a people as to wisdom, valour and virtue, without procuring them the least benefit. I pray God, that he may be pleased to inspire you and your posterity to the latest ages with that spirit, of which I have an idea, but find a difficulty to express to express in the best manner I can, I mean a spirit that shall so guide you, that it will be impossible to determine, whether an American's character is most distinguishable for his loyalty to his Sovereign, his duty to his mother country, his love of freedom, or his affection for his native soil. Every government, at some time or other, falls into wrong measures; these may proceed from mistake or passion. -But every such measure does not dissolve the obligation between the governors and the governed; the mistake may be corrected; the passion may pass I will now tell the gentlemen what is "the meaning of these letters." The meaning of them is, to convince the people of these colonies, that they are at 45 this moment exposed to the most imminent dangers; and to persuade them immediately, vigorously, and unanimously, to exert themselves, in the most firm, but most peaceable manner, for obtain- 50 pease the passion. They have not at first ing relief. The cause of liberty is a cause of too much dignity, to be sullied by turbulence and tumult. It ought to be maintained in a manner suitable to her nature. 55 Those who engage in it, should breathe a sedate, yet fervent spirit, animating them to actions of prudence, justice, over. It is the duty of the governed to endeavour to rectify the mistake and ap any other right, than to represent their grievances, and to pray for redress, unless an emergence is so pressing as not to allow time for receiving an answer to their applications, which rarely happens. If their applications are disregarded, then that kind of opposition becomes justifiable, which can be made without breaking the laws, or disturbing the public peace. This consists in the prevention of the oppressors reaping advantage from their oppressions, and not in their punishment. For experience may teach what reason did not; and harsh methods cannot be proper, till milder ones have failed. 5 If at length it becomes undoubted, that inveterate resolution is formed, to annihilate the liberties of the governed, the 10 English history affords frequent examples of resistance by force. What particular circumstances will in any future case justify such resistance, can never be ascertained till they happen. Perhaps it 15 may be allowable to say, generally, that it never can be justifiable, until the people are FULLY CONVINCED, that any further submission will be destructive to their happiness. We cannot act with too much caution in our disputes. Anger produces anger; and differences that might be accommodated by kind and respectful behaviour, may by imprudence be changed to an incurable rage. In quarrels between countries, as well as in those between individuals, when they have risen to a certain height, the first cause of dissension is no longer remembered, the minds of the parties being wholly engaged in recollecting and resenting the mutual expressions of their dislike. When feuds have reached that fatal point, all considerations of reason and equity vanish; and a blind fury governs, or rather confounds all things. A people no longer regards their interest, but the gratification of their 20 wrath. The sway of the Cleon's and Clodius's, the designing and detestable flatterers of the prevailing passion, becomes confirmed. When the appeal is made to the sword, highly probable it is, that the punishment will exceed the offence; and the calamities attending on war out-weigh those preceding it. These considerations 25 of justice and prudence will always have great influence with good and wise men. To these reflections on this subject, it remains to be added, and ought forever to be remembered; that resistance in the 30 case of colonies against their mother country is extremely different from the resistance of a people against their prince. A nation may change their king or race of kings, and retaining their 35 ancient form of government, be gainers by changing. Thus Great-Britain, under the illustrious house of Brunswick, a house that seems to flourish for the happiness of mankind, has found a felic- 40 ity, unknown in the reigns of the Stuarts. But if once we are separated from our mother country, what new form of government shall we accept, or when shall we find another Britain to supply our 45 loss? Torn from the body to which we are united by religion, liberty, laws, affections, relations, language, and commerce, we must bleed at every vein. In truth, the prosperity of these prov- 50 inces is founded in their dependence on Great-Britain; and when she returns to "her old good humour, and old good nature," as Lord Clarendon expresses it, I hope they will always esteem it their 55 duty and interest, as it most certainly will be, to promote her welfare by all the means in their power. Wise and good men in vain oppose the storm, and may think themselves fortunate, if, endeavouring to preserve their ungrateful fellow citizens, they do not ruin themselves. Their prudence will be called baseness; their moderation, guilt; and if their virtue does not lead them to destruction, as that of many other great and excellent persons has done, they may survive, to receive from their expiring country, the mournful glory of her acknowledgement, that their counsels, if regarded, would have saved her. The constitutional modes of obtaining relief are those which I would wish to see pursued on the present occasion; that is, by petitioning of our assemblies, or, where they are not permitted to meet, of the people to the powers that can afford us relief. We have an excellent Prince, in whose good dispositions towards us we may confide. We have a generous, sensible, and humane nation, to whom we may apply. They may be deceived; they may, by artful men, be provoked to anger against us; but I cannot yet believe they will be cruel or unjust; or that their anger will be implacable. Let us behave like dutiful children, who have received unmerited blows from a beloved parent. Let us complain to our parents, but let our complaints speak at the same time, the language of affliction and veneration. If, however, it shall happen, by an un our fortunate course of affairs, that Nothing is to be despaired of. LETTER XI Beloved Countrymen, A FARMER. piness of these provinces indubitably consists in their connection with Great Britain, any separation between them is less likely to be occasioned by civil discords, if every disgusting measure is opposed singly, and while it is new; for in this manner of proceeding, every such measure is most likely to be rectified. On the other hand, oppressions and dissatisfactions being permitted to accumulate-if ever the governed throw off the load, they will do more. A people does not reform with moderation. The rights of the subject therefore cannot be too often considered, explained, or asserted; and whoever attempts to do this, shews himself, whatever may be the rash and peevish reflections of pretended wisdom, and pretended duty, a friend to 20 those who injudiciously exercise their power, as well as to them over whom it is so exercised. I have several times, in the course of these letters, mentioned the late act of parliament, as being the foundation of future measures injurious to these 30 colonies; and the belief of this truth I wish to prevail, because I think it necessary to our safety. Had all the points of prerogative claimed by Charles I. been separately 25 contested and settled in preceding reigns, his fate would in all probability have been very different, and the people would have been content with that liberty which is compatible with regal authority. But he thought, it would be as dangerous for him to give up the powers which at any time had been by usurpation exercised by the crown, as those that were legally vested in it. This produced an equal excess on the part of the people. For when their passions were excited by multiplied grievances, they thought it would be as dangerous for them, to allow the powers that were legally vested in the crown, as those which at any time had been by usurpation exercised by it. Acts, that might by themselves have been upon many considerations excused or extenuated, derived a contagious malignancy and odium from other acts, with which they were connected. They were not regarded according to the simple force of each, but as parts of a system of oppression. Every one therefore, however small in itself, being alarming, as an additional evidence of tyrannical designs. It was in vain for prudent and moderate men to insist, that there was no necessity to abolish royalty. Nothing less than the utter destruction of monarchy, could satisfy those who had suffered, and thought they had reason to believe, they always should suffer under it. A perpetual jealousy respecting liberty, is absolutely requisite in all free 35 states. The very texture of their constitution, in mixt governments, demands it. For the cautions with which power is distributed among the several orders, imply, that each has that share which is 40 proper for the general welfare, and therefore, that any further imposition must be pernicious. Machiavel employs whole chapter in his discourses, to prove that a state, to be long lived, must be 45 frequently corrected, and reduced to its first principles. But of all states that have existed, there never was any, in which this jealousy could be more proper than in these colonies. For the 50 government here is not only mixt, but dependant, which circumstance OCcasions a peculiarity in its form, of a very delicate nature. Two reasons induce me to desire, that 55 this spirit of apprehension may be always kept up among us, in its utmost vigilance. The first is this, that as the hap |