CENTURY READINGS FOR A COURSE IN AMERICAN LITERATURE: EARLY REPORTS AND JOURNALS American literature, if we are to count as American literature all the writings in English made in the colonies during the period of the settlement, began with material produced with no literary intent.-business reports to the company at home, diary entries, and jottings, some of them as carefully made as histories. They were the work of earnest men who were living under intense strain, men who were saturated with the English Bible which they read in its strong early idioms, men who wasted no words and were tremendously impressed with the significance of their pioneer work in the new world. It is customary to place Captain John Smith at the head of the list of American authors when the time element alone is considered. American literature with him as its initial writer certainly had a picturesque beginning, for of all the characters in an age uniquely picturesque he was the most picturesque. His early adventures read like chapters from oriental romance. Returning from his Eastern campaigns he was just in time to join the Jamestown expedition, an adventure as romantic in the dreams of the England of 1606 as the fabulous exploit of Jason. By his energy and his unquestioned executive ability he became at length the leader of the expedition and doubtless more than once saved the colony from destruction. His report. A true Relation of such occurrences and accidents of noate as hath hapned in Virginia since the first planting of that Collony, etc., first printed in London in 1608, was the first literary product of note produced on American soil. It was followed a few months later by his second report A Map of Virginia, etc., published in 1612. His other works concerning America were written in England during the period between 1615 and 1631 when he had settled down in quietness to spend his declining years. The recorder of the earliest Puritan period was William Bradford, a man vastly different from the fiery Virginia Captain. It was his fortune to see the whole of the Pilgrim adventure. He went with the exiles to Holland in 1608, he was active in the plans for the expedition to America, he sailed in the Mayflower, and shortly after the landing at Plymouth was made governor of the colony. From the first he seems to have realized the far-reaching significance of the Puritan foundations in America, and of his own responsibility as the leader of the movement, to record every detail of the period of beginnings that later generations might know of a surety of "the rock whence they were hewn." His journal, begun during the voyage of the Mayflower with a history of the early Puritan movement and continued as a complete record of all important happenings in the colony up to 1646, is of priceless value. For many years the work was known only by tradition. It had not been published and the manuscript, which had been a part of the Prince Library stored in the old South Church in. Boston, disappeared during the British occupation of the city. In 1855, however, it was found in London and in 1897 was returned to Massachusetts with great ceremony and international rejoicing. The selections here used are after the text of the 1899 edition published by the State of Massachusetts. A careful journal of the first year of the Plymouth Colony, the joint work of Bradford and Edward Winslow, was published anonymously in 1622, and from the signature to the prefatory note, "G. Mourt," became generally known as "Mourt's Relation." It supplements Bradford's journal with many important details. What Bradford did for the Plymouth Colony John Winthrop did for the colony of Massachusetts Bay. His journal, which covers the first nineteen years of the settlements that centered about Boston, while undoubtedly inferior in many respects to Bradford's work is more human, more readable, far more important because of the greater importance of the colonies whose beginnings it records. In Bradford we see the brighter side of the Puritan character: in Winthrop very often its darker side. He delighted in recording portents, rmarkable "providences," monstrosities which showed God's displeasure with anti-Puritan views, and notorious cases of witchcraft which to him were exceedingly real things. The journal was published entire by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1825-26 with the tithe The History of New England from 1630 to 1649. by John Winthrop, Esq., First Governour of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. The text in the following selections follows Hosmer's edition of 1908, which like earlier reprints is modernized in its spelling. CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH (1580–1631) SMITH IS CAPTURED BY THE [From A True Relation.] Our store being now indifferently wel provided with corne, there was much adoe for to have the pinace goe for England, against which Captain Martin and my selfe stood chiefly against it: and in 10 fine after many debatings pro et contra, it was resolved to stay a further resolution: This matter also quieted, I set forward to finish this discovery, which as yet I had neglected in regard of the 15 necessitie we had to take in provision whilst it was to be had. 40. miles I passed up the river, which for the most part is a quarter of a mile broad, and 3. fatham and a half deep, exceedingly 20 osey, many great low marshes, and many high lands, especially about the midst at a place called Moysonicke, a Peninsule of 4. miles circuit, betwixt two rivers joyned to the main by a neck of 40. or 50. yards, and 40. or 50. yards from the high water marke: on both sides in the very necke of the maine, are high hills and dales, yet much inhabited, the Ile declining in a plaine fertile corne field, 30 the lower end a low marsh. More plentie of swannes, cranes, geese, duckes, and mallards, and divers sorts of fowles, none would desire: more plaine fertile planted ground, in such great proportions 35 as there, I had not seene; of a light blacke sandy mould, the cliffes commonly red, white, and yellowe coloured sand, and under, red and white clay; fish in great plenty, and people aboundance: 40 the most of their inhabitants, in view of the neck of Land, where a better seat for a towne cannot be desired: sage, which I cut in two. Heere the river became narrower, 8. 9. or 10. foote at a high water, and 6. or 7. at a lowe: the streame exceeding swift, and the bottom 5 hard cahnnell: the ground, most part a low plaine, sandy soyle. This оссаsioned me to suppose it might issue from some lake or some broad ford, for it could not be far to the head, but rather then than I would endanger the barge by going up further, I resolved to [etc.]1 Yet to have beene able to resolve this doubt, and to discharge the imputation of malicious tungs, that halfe suspected I durst not, for so long delaying: some of the company as desirous as my self, we resolved to hier a Canow [canoe] and returne with the barge to Apocant, there to leave the barge secure, and put our selves upon the adventure: the country onely a vast and wilde wildernes, and onely that Towne: Within three ΟΙ foure mile, we hired a Canow, and 2. Indians to row us the next day a fowling. Having made such provision for the barge as was needfull, I left her there to ride, with express charge not to go ashore til my returne. 25 At the end of forty miles, this river invironeth many low Ilands at each high 45 water drowned for a mile, where it uniteth it selfe at a place called Apokant, the highest towne inhabited. 10. miles higher, I discovered with a barge: in the mid way, a greate tree hindered my pas- 50 Though some wise men may condemn this too bould attempt of too much indiscretion, yet if they well consider the friendship of the Indians in conducting. me, the desolateness of the country, the probability of some lacke [lake] and the malicious judges of my actions at home [Jamestown as also to have some matters of worth to incourage our adventurers in england, might well have caused any honest minde to have done the like, as well for his own discharge as for the public good: Having 2 Indians for my guide and 2 of our own company, I set forward, leaving 7 in the barge: Having discovered 20 miles further in this desart, the river stil kept his depth and bredth, but much more combred with trees: Here we went ashore (being some 12 miles higher then the barge had bene) to refresh our selves, during the boyling of our vituals: 1 Several sections omitted. John Robbinson slaine, with 20 or 30. arrowes in him. Emry I saw not. One of the Indians I tooke with me, to see the nature of the soile, and to crosse the boughts [windings] of the river: the other Indian I left with Maister Robbinson and Thomas Emry, with their matches light, and order to discharge a peece, for my retreat, at the first sight of any Indian. But within a quarter of a houre I heard a loud cry, and a hollowing of Indians, but no warning peece. 1o Supposing them surprised, and that the Indians had betraid us, presently I seazed him and bound his arme fast to my hand in a garter, with my pistoll ready bent to be revenged on him: he ad- 15 vised me to fly, and seemed ignorant of what was done. But as we went discoursing, I was struck with an arrow on the right thigh, but without harme: upon this occasion I espied 2. Indians 20 drawing their bowes, which I prevented in discharging a french pistoll: By that I had charged againe, 3 or 4 more did the like: for the first fell downe and filed: At my discharge, they did the 25 like. My hinde [Indian] I made my barricado, who offered not to strive. 20. or 30. arrowes were shot at me but short. 3 or 4 times I had discharged my pistol ere the king of Pamaunck 30 called Opeckankenough with 200 men, invironed me, eache drawing their bowe: which done they laid them upon the ground, yet without shot: My hinde treated betwixt them and me of condi- 35 tions of peace; he discovred me to be the Captaine: my request was to retire to the boate: they demaunded my armes, the rest they saide were slaine, onely me they would reserve: The Indian im- 40 ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not portuned me not to shoot. In retiring being in the midst of a low quagmire, and minding them more than my steps, I stept fast into the quagmire, and also the Indian in drawing me forth: I perceived by the aboundance of fires all over the woods, [that they were a 5 party hunting deer.] At each place I expected when they would execute me, yet they used me with what kindnes they could: Approaching their Towne, which was within 6 miles where I was taken, onely made as arbors and covered with mats, which they remove as occasion requires all the women and children, being advertised of this accident, came foorth to meet them, the King well guarded with 20 bowmen 5 flanck and rear, and each flanck before him a sword and a peece, and after him the like, then a bowman, then I on each hand a boweman, the rest in file in the reare, which reare led foorth a mongst the trees in a bishion, eache his bowe and a handfull of arrowes, a quiver at his back grimly painted: on eache flanck a sargeant, the one running alwaies towards the front, the other towards the reare, each a true pace and in exceeding good order. This being a good time continued, they caste themselves in a ring with a daunce, and so eache man departed to his lodging. The Captain conducting me to his lodging, a quarter of Venison and some ten pound of bread I had for supper: what I left was reserved for me, and sent with me to my lodging. Each morning 3. women presented me three great platters of fine bread, more venison than ten men could devour I had: my gowne, points and garters, my compas and my tablet they gave me again. Though 8 what they could devise to content me: and still our longer acquaintance increased our better affection: Much they threatned to assault our 45 forte, as they were solicited by the King of Paspahegh: who shewed at our fort great signes of sorrow for this mischance. The King tooke great delight in understanding the manner of our ships, and sayling the seas, the earth and skies, and of our God: what he knew of the dominions he spared not to acquaint me with, as of certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan, cloathed like Thus surprised, I resolved to trie their mercies: my armes I caste from me, till which none durst approch me. Being ceazed on me, they drew me out and led me to the King. I presented him with 50 a compasse diall, describing by my best meanes the use therof: whereat he so amazedly admired, as he suffered me to proceed in a discourse of the roundnes of the earth, the course of the sunne, 55 me: the course of our river, and that moone, starres and plannets. With kinde speeches and bread he requited me, conducting me where the Canow lay and within 4 or 5 daies journey of the falles, was a great turning of salt water: I desired he would send a messenger to 5 Paspahegh, with a letter I would write, by which they shold understand how kindly they used me, and that I was well, least they should revenge my death. This he granted and sent three men, in such weather as in reason were unpossible by any naked to be indured. Their cruell mindes towards the fort I had deverted, in describing the ordinance. and the mines in the fields, as also the revenge Captain Newport would take of them at his returne. Their intent, I incerted the fort, the people of Ocanahonum and the back sea: this report they after found divers Indians that con- 15 firmed: whence you may see westerly a goodly low Country, the river before the which his crooked course causeth many great Marshes of exceeding good ground. Ar hundred houses, and many large plaines are here togither inhabited. More abundance of fish and fowle, and a pleasanter seat cannot be imagined. The King with fortie Bowmen to guard me, c intreated me to discharge my Pistoll, which they there presented me, with a mark at six score to strike therwith: but to spoil the practise, I broke the cocke, whereat they were much discontented, though a chaunce supposed. IC The next day after my letter, came a salvage to my lodging, with his sword, to have slaine me: but being by my guard intercepted, with a bowe and ar- 20 row he offred to have effected his purpose: the cause I knew not, till the King understanding thereof came and told me of a man a dying, wounded with my pistoll: he tould me also of another I 25 had slayne, yet the most concealed they had any hurte: This was the father of him I had slayne, whose fury to prevent, the King presently conducted me to another Kingdome, upon the top of 30 the next northerly river, called Youghtanan. Having feasted me he. further led me to another branch of the river, called Mattapament; to two other hunting townes they led me: and to each of 35 these Countries, a house of the great Emperour of Pewhakan, whom as yet I supposed to bee at the Fals; to him I tolde him I must goe, and so returne to Paspahegh. After this foure or five 40 dayes march, we returned to Rasawrack, the first towne they brought me too: where binding the Mats in bundels, they marched two dayes journey, and crossed the River of Youghtanan, where it was 45 as broad as Thames: so conducting me to a place called Menapacute in Pamaunke, where the King inhabited. The next day another King of that nation called Kekataugh, having re- 50 ceived some kindnes of me at the Fort, kindly invited me to feast at his house, the people from all places flocked to see me, each shewing to content me. By this, the great King hath foure or five 55 houses, each containing fourescore or an hundred foote in length, pleasantly seated upon an high sandy hill, from From hence, this kind King conducted mee to a place called Topahanocke, a kingdome upon another River northward: The cause of this was, that the yeare before, a shippe had beene in the River of Pamaunke, who having beene kindly entertained by Powhatan their Emperour, they returned thence and discovered the River of Topahanocke: where being received with like kindnesse, yet he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and they supposed I were hee. But the people reported him a great man that was Captaine, and using mee kindly, the next day we departed. This River of Topahanock seemeth in breadth not much lesse then that we dwell upon. At the mouth of the River is a Countrey called Cuttata women: upwards is Marraugh tacum, Tapohanock, Appamatuck, and Nantaugs tacum: at Topmanahocks, the head issuing from many Mountaines. The next night I lodged at a hunting town of Powhatams, and the next day arrived at Waranacomoco upon the river of Pamauncke, where the great king is resident. By the way we passed by the top of another little river, which is betwixt the two, called Payankatank. The most of this Country though Desert, yet exceeding fertil: good timber, most hils and dales, in each valley a cristall spring. Arriving at Weramocomoco, their Emperour proudly lying uppon a Bedstead a foote high, upon tenne or twelve Mattes, richly hung with manie Chaynes of great Pearles about his necke, and covered with a great Covering of Rahaughcums [raccoon skins.] At heade sat a woman, at his feete another; on each side sitting uppon a Matte uppon the ground, were raunged his chiefe men on each side the |