position, originally moved, rendered it no longer worthy of pursuit, he prepared a resolution, as a substitute for it, which proposed the appointment of commissioners on the part of Virginia, to meet such commissioners as should be appointed by the other States, at a time and place to be agreed on, "in order to take into consideration the trade of the United States; to examine the relative situation and trade of the said States; to consider how far a uniform system in their commercial regulations may be necessary to their common interest and permanent harmony; and to report to the several States such an act, relative to this great object, as, when unanimously ratified by them, will enable the United States in Congress effectually to provide for the same."

Knowing that this resolution would be regarded with more of jealousy if presented by himself, as his long association with the labors of Congress exposed him to the imputation of an undue bias in favor of the extension of its powers, he had recourse to the friendly offices of Mr. Tyler,- a popular colleague, who agreed with him in sentiment on the present occasion, and had never served in the Federal councils,-to offer it to the House. It was offered, as a substitute for the original proposition, immediately after the vote of the House already mentioned, which destroyed the value of the latter by limiting its duration to thir

1 See Madison Debates, vol. II. pp. 695, 696; also Tucker's History of the United States, vol. 1. p. 343.

teen years; but no definitive decision was asked, at the moment, either on the substitute or the original proposition. They were both suffered to lie on the table for the present, awaiting the farther progress of legislative developments. But Mr. Madison was fully resolved to enter into no enervating compromise with regard to the original proposition; and, from this period, his hopes and his efforts were staked on the success of the substitute.

His views on the subject, marked with characteristic wisdom and sagacity, were expressed in a letter to General Washington, of the 9th of December, 1785:—

"Your letter of November the 30th," he wrote, "was received a few days ago. This would have followed much earlier the one which yours acknowledges, had I not wished it to contain some final information relative to the commercial propositions. The discussion of them has consumed much time; and, though the absolute necessity of some such general system prevailed over all the efforts of its adversaries in the first instance, the stratagem of limiting its duration to a short term has ultimately disappointed our hopes. I think it better to trust to farther experience, and even distress, for an adequate remedy, than to try a temporary measure which may stand in the way of a permanent one, and confirm that transatlantic policy which is founded on our supposed distrust of Congress and of one another.

"Those whose opposition in this case did not

spring from illiberal animosities towards the Northern States, seem to have been frightened, on one side, at the idea of a perpetual and irrevocable grant of power; and, on the other, flattered with the hope that a temporary grant might be renewed from time to time, if its utility should be confirmed by the experiment. But we have already granted perpetual and irrevocable powers of a more extensive nature than those now proposed, and for reasons not stronger than the reasons which urge the latter. And, as to the hope of renewal, it is the most visionary one that perhaps ever deluded men of sense.

"Nothing but the peculiarity of our circumstances could ever have produced those sacrifices of sovereignty, on which the Federal government now rests. If they had been temporary, and the expiration of the term required a revival at this crisis, pressing as the crisis is, and recent as is our experience of the value of the Confederacy, sure I am that it would be impossible to revive it. What room have we, then, to hope that the expiration of temporary grants of commercial powers would always find a unanimous disposition in the States to follow their own example?

"It ought to be remembered too, that, besides the caprice, jealousy, and diversity of opinions which will be certain obstacles in our way, the policy of foreign nations may hereafter imitate that of the Macedonian Prince who effected his purposes against the Grecian Confederacy by gaining over a few of the leading men in the smaller members of

it. Add to the whole, that the difficulty now found in obtaining a unanimous concurrence of the States in any measure whatever, must continually increase with every increase of their numbers, and perhaps in a greater ratio, as the ultramontane States may either have, or suppose they have, a less similitude of interests to the Atlantic States than these have to one another.

"The propositions, however, have not yet received the final vote of the House, having lain on the table for some time as a report from a committee of the whole. The question was suspended in order to consider a proposition which had for its object a meeting of politico-commercial commissioners from all the States, for the purpose of digesting and reporting the requisite augmentation of the powers of Congress over trade.

"What the event will be cannot be foreseen. The friends of the original propositions are, I am told, rather increasing; but I despair of a majority, in any event, for a longer term than twenty-five years for their duration. The other scheme will have fewer enemies, and may perhaps be carried. It seems naturally to grow out of the proposed appointment of commissioners for Virginia and Maryland, concerted at Mount Vernon, for keeping up harmony in the commercial regulations of the two States. Maryland has ratified the report; but has invited into the plan Delaware and Pennsylvania, who will naturally pay the same compliment to their neighbors."

On

The resolutions of the legislature of Maryland were laid before the House of Delegates of Virginia on the 5th of December, 1785, and were referred to the committee of commerce, of which Mr. Braxton was chairman. The proceedings of the joint commissioners were communicated to the Governor in a letter from Colonel George Mason, dated the 8th of December, and laid before the House of Delegates the 13th day of the month. These were also referred to the committee on commerce. the 13th of Janúary, 1786, that committee reported a series of resolutions corresponding with those which had been adopted by the legislature of Maryland, and all founded on the recommendations made by the commissioners in their supplemental report, With regard to the resolution providing for a uniform system of duties and commercial regulations, the committee on commerce proposed that a copy of it be communicated to the legislatures of all the States, and that all of them be requested to appoint commissioners to meet and confer with those of Maryland and Virginia, for the purposes expressed in the resolution. In this form all the resolutions of the legislature of Maryland for carrying into effect the recommendations of the joint commissioners, with the exception of two of subordinate importance, were cordially concurred in by the General Assembly of Virginia.1

The expediency of a meeting and conference of commissioners from all the States, though for a

1 See Journal of House of Delegates of Virginia, 1785-6, p. 140.