CHAPTER XXX.

Virginia Propositions, as reported by Committee of the Whole, acted on in Convention - Motion of Mr. Lansing, of New York, in Favor of Single Legislative Body and Equal Representation of all the States, gives rise to Animated Discussion - Colonel Mason, Luther Martin, Sherman, Wilson - The Motion negatived - Proposition of Mr. Ellsworth to refer Compensation of Members of Congress to State Legislatures, rejected - Mr. Madison insists on Restriction to prevent Members from voting themselves an Increase of Pay during their Current Term of Service Question on Duration of Senatorial Office - Able and Earnest Speech of Mr. Madison for giving it Sufficient Stability to countervail Democratic Tendencies - Renewed Struggle for Equal Representation of the States in both Branches of the National Legislature - Vehement Speech of Mr. Luther Martin-Temperate and Dignified Reply of Mr. Madison Discussion continued between Mr. Wilson and Mr. Sherman - Dr. Franklin moves for Daily Religious Services in the ConventionDebate on Question of Representation resumed - Dr. Johnson, Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Read, Mr. Gorham, Colonel Hamilton, Mr. Gerry — Second Speech of Mr. Madison-Motion for Equal Representation in First Branch of Legislature rejected - Mr. Ellsworth moves Equal Representation in Second Branch as a Compromise-Debate between Mr. Ellsworth and Mr. Wilson - Mr. Madison replies to Mr. Ellsworth - Shows that the Real Division of Interests in the United States is not between the Large and the Small States, but between the Northern and the Southern - Constitutional Means of Defence demanded by this Difference of Interest-Discussion continued — Mr. Sherman; Mr. Davie, of North Carolina; Dr. Franklin; Mr. Dayton, of New Jersey - Altercation between Mr. King, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Bedford, of Delaware - Convention equally divided

on Mr. Ellsworth's Proposition - General Pinckney, of South Carolina, moves Appointment of Committee to consider and report a Plan of Compromise.

We have now arrived at a critical period in the deliberations of the convention. Notwithstanding the large vote by which the New-Jersey plan had been rejected in committee of the whole, we shall see its friends rallying upon detached principles of their project, and giving renewed battle to their opponents from time to time, until the convention was convulsed by the violence of the struggle, and the most serious apprehensions were entertained of the total abortion of its labors.

The nineteen resolutions, forming the Virginia plan, being reported back to the House by the committee of the whole in the same form in which they had been before reported, were now taken up, one by one, in the convention for consideration and revision. On the consideration of the first resolution, affirming the expediency of “a national government, with a supreme legislative, executive, and judiciary," the word "national" was struck out, by unanimous consent, as unnecessary and liable to misconstruction, and the phrase "government of the United States," substituted in its place. The strong declarations made by Colonel Hamilton the day before, with regard to the extinction of the State governments, rendered the friends of the Virginia resolutions anxious to guard themselves from any suspicion of participating in such views; and Mr. Wilson, of Pennsylvania, a leading champion

of the resolutions, opened the discussion by an earnest and emphatic disclaimer of a policy which no one could more thoroughly disapprove than himself. Governor Randolph also assented, without hesitation, to the suggestion to drop the word "national," and substitute the title "United States;" and the same substitution was carried, with general acquiescence, through all the resolutions in which the term "national" had been originally used, though in a sense widely removed from any idea of a consolidated government.

When the second resolution, declaring that the proposed legislature ought to consist of two branches, was taken up, Mr. Lansing, of New York, moved to amend it by substituting a declaration that "the powers of legislation ought to be vested in the United States in Congress." The double effect of this amendment would be to give an equal representation to all the States, as well as to supersede the division of the legislative body into two branches; and the proposition, therefore, again brought up the issue between the New-Jersey and the Virginia plan. Colonel Mason, in answering the arguments by which Mr. Lansing sustained his proposition, made a vigorous and spirited speech in support of the general principles of the resolutions reported by the committee of the whole.

"Is it to be thought," he said, "that the people of America, so watchful over their interests, so jealous of their liberties, will give up their allwill surrender both the sword and the purse-to

the same body, and that, too, not chosen by themselves? They never will; they never ought. Will they trust such a body with the regulation of their trade; with the regulation of their taxes; with all the other great powers which are in contemplation? Will they give unbounded confidence to a secret journal; to the intrigues, to the factions, which, in the nature of things, appertain to such an assembly? If any man doubt the existence of these characters of Congress, let him consult their journals for the years 1778, 1779, and 1780."

"Much has been said," he remarked, "of the unsettled state of the mind of the people. He believed the mind of the people of America, as elsewhere, was unsettled on some points, but settled on others. In two points, he was sure, it was well settled: first, in an attachment to republican government; secondly, in an attachment to more than one branch in the legislature."

Against the objection brought by Mr. Lansing to the Virginia plan for the power it proposed to vest in the central legislature of negativing the laws of the States in certain cases, Colonel Mason set off, with great effect, that feature of the NewJersey plan which provided for the military coercion of delinquent States by the government of the Union.

"It was acknowledged by Mr. Patterson," he said, "that his plan could not be enforced without military coercion? Does he consider the force of this concession? The most jarring elements of

incompatible than such a mixture of civil liberty and military execution. Will the militia march from one State into another, in order to collect the arrears of taxes from delinquent members of the republic? Will they maintain an army for this purpose? Will not the citizens of the invaded State assist one another, till they rise, as one man, and shake off the Union altogether?"

In concluding, he said, "He took this occasion to declare, that notwithstanding his solicitude to establish a national government, he never would agree to abolish the State governments, or render them absolutely insignificant. They were as necessary as the general government, and he would be equally careful to preserve them. He was aware of the difficulty of drawing the line between them, but hoped it was not insurmountable."

The proposition of Mr. Lansing was supported with fiery zeal by Mr. Luther Martin, and in a tone of moderation and temperance by Mr. Sherman. They were both answered by the cool and enlightened reason of Mr. Wilson, when the question was taken, and Mr. Lansing's proposition rejected by the votes of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, Connecticut now joining New York, New Jersey, and Delaware, in voting for it; and Maryland, divided. On the following day, after a renewed discussion upon the subject, distinguished by its exemplary deliberative tone, between Dr.