Board of Trade to decide the question without delay. It is not necessary to enter into the details of this settlement. Ignorance of the geography of America had led the original granters of the charters to include some parts of the Peninsula in both the patents. But as Baltimore's right had priority of date, and had never been cancelled, his supporters argued, with fair show of reason, that the latter grant was invalid, the King not being able to give away lands which were not his own. On the other hand, as the Maryland charter expressly stated that only lands which were wild and waste were assigned to Lord Baltimore, it was urged with equal cogency that the tract on the Delaware, then settled and cultivated by the Dutch and Swedes, could not have been included in the patent. While the Duke of York remained master of these territories, the Maryland proprietor had been silent about his claims, and it was only when he found the new Governor about to plant a democracy in his immediate neighbourhood, that he became anxious about the unproductive strip of ground lying between the Chesapeake and the Delaware. James settled the question-for a time-by dividing the territory in dispute into two equal parts, the eastern half of which he transferred to Lord Baltimore as his by right, and the western half of which he added to the crown, so as to place it beyond the reach of future litigation, with a view to granting it to Penn on new conditions, with a perfect title.

Penn now saw that he had work to do-and work which no one else could do-at home. The laws against opinion under which Penn had suffered, still existed; hundreds of poor Quakers were still confined for tithes and jailor's fees; and the

Church party, instead of showing a friendly dispo sition towards Dissenters proposed that the House of Commons should petition James to put the penal laws against them into execution. At such a time he felt that Providence had placed him near the throne; that on him had fallen in a violent time, the work of daily mercy and mediation. He accepted his position with a full sense of its perils; but he trusted to the sanctity of his office, 'the general mediator for charity,' for a liberal construction of his acts. To him and his, the ordinary laws afforded no protection; a fine or fee was a sentence of imprisonment to a man who in his conscience could not pay fines and fees. A judge might order a poor wretch to be set at liberty, but then the jailor showed his list of charges, and unless the judge were willing to pay them out of his own purse the wretch was sent back again to jail. Conscience was at war with law, and the only hope of obtaining justice not to speak of mercy, for the sufferers lay in the royal right to pardon and relieve.

To be near the court, Penn hired apartments in Holland House at Kensington and brought Guli and his family to town. The house was large, and he had many visitors. His influence with the King was known, and every man with a grievance found in him a counsellor and a friend. Envoys were sent from the American colonies to solicit his influence in their behalf; members of his sect and of many other sects crowded to his levees; sometimes not less than two hundred persons were in attendance at his door.

One of the earliest favours which Penn is known to have begged from the new King will be remembered to his honour as long as a taste for letters shall endure. In the preceding reign, when

Shaftsbury had fled to the Continent, John Locke, as one of his friends, had fallen under court suspicion; but so serene and blameless was the life he had led at Oxford that the Council feared to try him. Charles had employed his creatures at Christ Church to entrap Locke into some unwary expression-some word of sympathy for the alleged conspirators-any, even the least remark which malice might construe into a crime. But Locke had given them no assistance in their work. At length, on treachery failing, force had been employed. Sunderland conveyed to the authorities of the college his Majesty's commands to strip the unmoved philosopher of his honours and dignities, and expel him from the University. These authorities had put their doctrine of absolute obedience into practice; and a week later the Secretary of State could thank the college in his Majesty's name for their ready compliance with his orders. Locke, then on the Continent had been cast out from the University of which he was the chiefest ornament and going to reside at the Hague had busied himself in finishing his great work on the Human Understanding, and in furnishing the friends of liberty with new arguments in favour of toleration. Touched with a situation in some respects so like his own in earlier life, Penn put his influence to the test by asking permission for his old acquaintance to return to England. James had been a party to his banishment; and it was felt to be a signal instance of his favour that he promised what the intercessor asked for, without a scruple and without conditions. Penn at once wrote off these tidings to the Hague; but the illustrious exile conscious of no crime, while noting his deep sense of obligation to the meditator, refused to accept the proffered pardon. And in this

view of his duty Locke continued steadfast. When Pembroke offered his services to obtain a similar concession from the King, he returned the same answer. That he thankfully remembered the unsolicited kindness of his 'friend Penn' was seen in the good offices he was able to render in return after the Revolution. Locke's friend, Popple, was less scrupulous. Being involved in troublesome affairs in France, Popple applied to the 'general mediator.' Penn, convinced of Popple's honour and innocence, went to M. Barillon, and procured from that ambassador such a representation of Popple's affair at the court of Versailles as soon put an end to his troubles. The future Secretary of State retained a warm sense of gratitude to his benefactor, and events afterwards placed it in Popples power in some measure to repay his debt. Nor did Locke himself scruple to ask that for others which his pride rejected for himself.

CHAPTER XXVII.

AT COURT (1685-86).

The reign of James brought back the troubles of an earlier time. The names of Cavalier and Roundhead were revived. Monmouth and Argyle were secretly preparing for invasion. Public passion was aflame. When Titus Oates was placed in the pillory after his trial people were excited to a serious breach of the peace. The zeal of fanatic Church men was inflamed to frenzy on seeing James go publicly to mass. Sermons and speeches against Popery were delivered in all churches, chapels, coffee-houses, and places of general resort. Even in the royal chapel at Whitehall the rites and ceremonies practised by the sovereign were denounced as contrary to the Word of God and to the laws of England. In the midst of these distractions, James held on his course. He clung to his own notions of religion with a tenacity worthy of an Englishman; and refused to purchase the support of his ancient friends, the Cavaliers, by any sacrifice of his bigotry to their intolerance, even when Argyle had landed in the north, and the signal of revolt was daily expected in the west.

A committee of the House of Commons, under the influence of the Church party, proposed to petition the King for the instant execution of all the penal statutes against Dissent. Though some of the King's personal friends were present they were silent. James, informed of what had taken place, sent for his friends and laid before them so clearly his determination to err on the side of