citizen of every free government? and if it be conscientiously exercised with an honest view to publick information, with a just regard to the general honour and prosperity of the country, we must not be too nice about the selection of terms in which a man, having a right to do so, expresses his opinions of what he considers ruinous imbecility and disgraceful misconduct. If in these, too, he is mistaken, it is his judgment and not his patriotism, that should meet condemnation. This right, and the free exercise of it, constitute the soil and base of our constitution. Shall we have a right to choose our rulers, and shall we not be informed of their management of our affairs? and shall the man who would give us that information be driven from his task, be hunted from the service by absurd suspicions of his integrity, and unsupported charges against his patriotism? It is the interest of a few to attempt this politick game; but it is the interest of many more to defeat it,

It is not expected that the leaders of that party, whose administration is condemned, will have any fond affection for the work that exposes its weakness. But it is hoped and believed, that many, very many, who honestly follow the predominant party from a belief in its wisdom and virtue, will not avert their eyes from those pages which fairly examine its pretensions. There is no witchcraft in the book, that men should fear to trust their senses with it. Read it patiently, and judge it candidly. The importance of the subject, and the character of the author, at least, merit so much attention; and if he fails to convince, he will not corrupt.

Whether the manner in which he makes his assault upon those who administer the publick affairs, has in it too much of acrimony and violence or not, is a question on which there will naturally be a difference of opinion. A man will judge of it,

in some degree, by his own temperament and maxims. But even those who may be disposed to disapprove of this feature in the Review must admit that the objection is a very limited one, and by no means impairs the general integrity and utility of the work. Besides, decorum is perfectly preserved; and however cutting the sarcasm, it is untainted with vulgar abuse. Men whose tempers are unusually mild and forbearing, may desire that even the guilty should be touched with a tender hand; while others may imagine that in our perilous times, becoming daily more perilous, the plain truth may be told in plain language; and that the man who undertakes to be a publick monitor should sacrifice no part of his duty to the feelings of those to whom we owe all our calamity Listen to the wailings of distress, mingled with the indignant reproaches of honour, which resound through our country, and say if those who cause them have very strong claims to tenderness in rebuke. Our merchants, after exerting, in vain, every effort to save themselves; after struggling against destruction assailing them from every quarter, and in every shape, are seen dropping, in melancholy succession, in the abyss of ruin, like exhausted mariners from the floating wreck. A floating wreck, indeed, is our commerce; abandoned and abused by those who were sworn to protect her; beaten by conflicting tempests, and existing by precarious accidents. How is our character changed and fallen! So long since as 1775, Burke, speaking of our country, said it was an object "not to be considered as one of those minima which is out of the eye and consideration of the law; not a paltry excrescence of state; not a mere dependant, who may be neglected with little damage, and provoked with little danger"that "some degree of care and caution was required in the handling such an object"-that, “ to trifle with

the interests and feelings of so large a mass of the human race, could not be done with impunity." How has this glowing picture faded? With four times the population we then had, and a much larger increase of strength and resources, we no longer deserve his eulogium. It has not heretofore been exacted of political writers to treat with any ceremonious respect those whose inability or depravity is, in their opinion, sinking the state. While the attack avoids every point of private character or misfortune; every weapon of personal and malevolent abuse, the whole publick man has ever been thought to be a fair object of assault, with all the energy which talent, without malignity, can give; and all the powers of persuasion, which genius can supply. The examples of ancient, as well as modern days, amply justify the war, and, when the motive is pure, it is a solemn duty. The warning prophets of a people have ever been permitted to discharge their high functions in tones of authority; in the language of truth. Junius, at least a popular writer, especially among fierce republicans, whatever his other merits may be, has not thought an attention to the courtesy of his phrases necessary to the propriety of his demeanour, or the proof of his patriotism. Surely the friends of the existing powers will not dare to complain of harshness or disrespect, when they recollect by what torrents of the grossest and most vile calumnies, they overwhelmed the principles and policy of the Washington administration.

I repeat, that it is not expected that the leaders of the party, whose administration is condemned, will have any fond affection for a work which exposes its weakness, and points to the awful results that wait upon its measures. But it is hoped that many, very many, who follow the predominant sect under an honest belief of its wisdom and virtues,

will not avert their eyes from the page which examines, with a master-spirit, the truth of its pretensions. If their condemnation be rash or unjust, the reader will have his faith strengthened by the investigation; his friends will become more firm in his affection by passing the or deal, and his confidence in them be more rational and satisfactory. But if from a condensed view and fair analysis of undoubted facts, and a clear exposition of their causes and consequences, he shall find he has trusted too far and too blindly; he will be thankful for his deliverance from so dangerous a delusion, and use all his power to dispel it from others. Converts, assuredly, will not be made from those who feed and fatten on publick employment, and exist by keeping" things as they are;" who have an interest directly opposite to that of the nation: But surely those who supply the treasure, may inquire whether it be honestly and beneficially distributed; whether those who are paid for their services are really useful; whether those who have been honoured and exalted for their virtue and wisdom, are really virtuous and wise. Let it always be kept in mind too, that it is the official, political conduct of the administration, that is the object of Mr. W's ani madversions, and not the persons who compose it. Mr. Madison appears no where but as president of the United States; and the members of his cabinet are treated with the same decorum. Has not then this work a commanding claim to the attention and patronage of every American, who has the will, the ability, and the courage, to look into the conduct of his rulers, to judge for himself of their wisdom and capacity, and to anticipate by sound reasoning, and fair deductions, the probable consequences of their measures. If such inquiries are to be stifled by power, or withered with coldness, we may, indeed, con

clude, with dean Swift, "that it is safer for a man's interest to blas pheme God, than to be of a party out of power, or even to be thought So."

It is hoped that these general remarks upon the spirit and character of the American Review, will have so much influence in removing the charge of anti-Americanism, as to induce those who have entertained this prejudice, at least, to read and judge for themselves. Whatever latitude there may have been for conjecture about the character of this journal before its publication, such anticipations must now be at an end. It is before the publick to answer for itself; and is, undoubtedly, its own best defender. Calumny will be refuted, and cautious doubt removed more effectually by perusing its pages, than by any panegyrick. A short notice of the articles contained in the first number, shall conclude my observations.

This number commences with An Inquiry into the past and present Relations of France and the United States. We venture to pronounce this one of the most lucid, elegant, and argumentative political articles ever published. The facts are stated with so much candour, supported by such evidence, and grouped with so much propriety and judgment, that they present to the mind, at one view, and with the irresistable conviction of truth, the various occurrences which have taken place between the two countries for several years past. When the author reasons from his facts, his powers of combination, analysis, deduction, and carry conviction to the understanding, and admiration to the heart. The man who doubts after he has read, must be incorrigible in obstinacy or dullness. The great object of this article is to demonstrate from publick documents and unquestioned facts, that Napoleon, the mammoth devourer of nations, is bent upon our destruction in com

mon with the rest of the world, er as auxiliary to the downfall of Great Britain-that he hates us, either as a part of the human species, against which he wages a war of extermination, or because we are a commercial people. Those nations which deserve to live and thrive by the arts of peace are the natural objects of hate to one which exists by rapine and bloodshed; that avows itself a military power, and confessedly puts all its hopes upon conquest. The writer solemnly warns us, that Bonaparte has hitherto sought our ruin by plundering and oppressive decrees; by the most provoking arrogance and insult; and by profound and artful efforts to excite a quarrel between Great Britain and the United States. Having failed in the full accomplishment of his wishes, by these means, he has changed his plan of hostility, and now strives by hypocritical caresses; by false professions of affection, to draw us to his embrace, and involve us in war with Great Britain, which he well knows will sink us into calamities, he cannot in any other way inflict.

We have in this article a masterly exposition of the principles and policy, as well as of the practical effects of the French decrees; and so clear a view is given of the designs of the emperour upon this country, and of our "past and present relations" with France; that the American who will not read, is a traitor to himself. Let the man who doubts Mr. W's Americanism, turn to these pages; let him observe the knowledge displayed there of our best interests, the anxious solicitude for their preservation, the ardent love of country, the rational respect for the American people, their character, power, and resources, and his doubts must give way to admiration and affection for such a defender of our rights.

In the true spirit of honest impartiality, Mr. W. applies his powers to the British orders in council, which he pronounces, "in the highe

The following is an elegant and grateful tribute to our revolutionary worthies: "We hold in the highest veneration, the memories of those who swayed the councils, and fought the battles of this country, in the war of our independence. There was a loftiness of spirit about them, as well as energy of deliberation and of action, which never can be too much admired or too warmly applauded. Their's were

"Virtues that shine the light of human kind,

"And, rayed through story, warm remotest time."

I shall not be pardoned by those who may read these remarks, for having so much extended them as to preclude me from introducing copious extracts from the work, I would recommend to attention. In

truth, it cannot be fairly judged of by parts. It is only by a view of the whole that its symmetry, its elegance, and strength, can be seen. The firm statement of facts; the lucid arrangement of the proofs; and the logical precision of the deductions, must be all taken together, before their excellence can be comprehended. I will, however, indulge in one further extract, as being particularly applicable to my purpose.

"We cannot conclude," says Mr. W. "this article, to which the importance of the subject has induced us to give an extension not contemplated by our general plan, without repelling an accusation which will, in all likelihood, be preferred against us. We expect to be called the blind apologists of Great Britain, and the zealots of a party. These epithets we disclaim, because we know that in denouncing the views of France, and in reprobating the measures of our administration, we have but one object;—and that is,-the good of this country-to the institutions of which we are as ardently attached as any of those who may think fit to asperse our motives. We bear no enmity or malice

to the men in power; but we will protest against their ability to manage the affairs of this nation, and must express our fears for her safety and publish our warnings, 'While such as these

Presume to lay their hands upon the ark Of her magnificent and awful cause.'

"Great Britain, we know, has heretofore often abused her power in her relations with the United States, and may, hereafter, abuse it. At any other time, we should be as vehement in our opposition to her, and as indignant at her injustice as the most clamorous of her revilers are now. But we are overpowered by the sense of evils impending from another quarter more formidable and pressing than any which she is either able or disposed to inflict upon us."

The miscellaneous department of the American Review is filled with materials prepared and chosen with the finest judgment and taste. The Letters on France and England, the productions of Mr. W's fertile pen, hold a foremost place; and for interesting matter and spirited description, are not surpassed in the same line of composition. Sketch of Palestine, translated by the editor, from Mr. de Chateaubriand, is full of the characteristick eloquence and vivacity of the Frenchman; and takes us to scenes that touch the scholar's heart. Sympathies and associations rush upon us "pleasant but mournful to the soul." The account of the first night passed in Athens, is uncommonly vivid and beautiful. It forced upon my recollection the fine lines in Dyer's "Ruins in Rome."

At dead of night, mid his oraison, hears. "The pilgrim oft Aghast the voice of time; disparting tow

Italian History of the war of the Independence of the United States -notice of an Historical Essay on the temporal power of the PopesKotzebue's ancient history of Prussia-and notices of a number of interesting foreign publications.

We may safely aver, that in extent, interest, variety, and excellence of matter, this journal need affect no diffidence in claiming a rank with any similar production abroad.

To the whole is added, as an ap pendix, a copious and valuable selection of state papers.

Whether a work, at once so honourable and so useful to our country, shall continue, must depend upon the patronage it shall receive; the patronage, not only of those who read, but of those, also, who can write. It is idle to imagine, that the labour of any individual can, alone, sustain for any great length of time, the weight of such a work; and men, who have either pride or interest in the character and concerns of the

United States, are bound by potent. obligations to give their utmost aid to an undertaking which has commenced its career so brilliantly, and given such pledges for repaying, four fold, all they can do for it.

I address myself to no party, as a distinction arising from domestick dissensions, but to the AMERICAN PARTY, as regards our great national interests and policy, in relation to foreign powers, about which we should be wholly and indivisibly united. To that party, to Americans, as distinguished from foreign intruders, the doctrines of this journal cannot be offensive or unacceptable. They are truly and ardently American; and whatever preference Mr. W. gives to Great Britain in relation to her conflict with the "homicide despotism," he gives her none over his own country; on the contrary, he grounds his preference very much on the belief that our safety waits on her success.

THE present is the third time that Mr. Semple has come under our jurisdiction in the capacity of a traveller; the first occasion having been, as a describer of the Cape, and the next as a tourist in Spain. The interest excited in the publick mind by the situation of that country induced him, during the last year, to resume his travels; and he has lost no time in bringing before his readers the fruit of his research

es. In our former criticisms, we took occasion to censure his inelegancics and inaccuracies of style, while we paid a tribute of commendation to the fidelity of his descriptions. These impressions have been recalled to our recollection by the perusal of the work before us. It possesses an equal degree of merit with its predecessors, in regard to candour of delineation; and it continues to betray the traces of the same false