portion of all public taxes? Has it not been shown also that the laws of that state gave non-freeholders no remedy against any wrongs that they might sustain unless they obtained the assistance of freeholders? Has it not been shown that they were denied the right of trial by a jury of their peers?

If they were satisfied to be thus disparaged and outlawed, why did they petition the legislature, time after time, during almost half a century? What was meant by the petition presented to the General Assembly in 1829, signed by two thousand citizens? What meant the suffrage organizations throughout the state in 1838 and 1839? What brought together the immense mass meetings in the summer of 1841? For what purpose did ten or twelve thousand men meet in convention in

the city of Providence? What did these people mean by their loud complaints against the oppressive acts of the charter government, and what did their strong resolutions declare?

Is it not true that "all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed"? And might not the disfranchised citizens of Rhode Island have said, in the language of their revolutionary fathers, "In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury."

Although the president was over-persuaded and misadvised, yet the following "private and confidential " letter to Governor King, dated May 9, 1842, shows

that he was desirous that the controversy should be amicably settled by the parties themselves.

May 9, 1812.

SIR: Messrs. Randolph and Potter will hand you an official letter; but I think it important that you should be informed of my views and opinions as to the best mode of settling all difficulties. I deprecate the use of force, except in the last resort; and I am persuaded that measures of conciliation will at once operate to produce quiet. I am well advised, if the General Assembly would authorize you to announce a general amnesty and pardon for the past, without making any exception, upon the condition of a return to allegiance, and follow it up by a call for a new convention upon somewhat liberal principles, that all difficulty would at once cease. And why should not this be done? A government never loses any thing by mildness and forbearance to its own citizens; more especially when the consequences of an opposite course may be the shedding of blood. In your case, the one half of your people are involved in the consequences of recent proceedings. Why urge matters to an extremity? If you succeed by the bayonet, you succeed against your own fellow-citizens, and by the shedding of kindred blood; whereas, by taking the opposite course, you will have shown a paternal care for the lives of your people. My own opinion is, that the adoption of the above measures will give you peace, and insure you harmony. A resort to force, on the contrary, will engender, for years to come, feelings of animosity.

I have said that I speak advisedly. Try the experiment; and if it fail, then your justification in using force becomes complete.

Excuse the freedom I take, and be assured of my respect. JOHN TYLER.

GOVERNOR KING, of Rhode Island.

But the charter authorities, elated with the idea of putting down the suffrage party by force of arms, were not inclined to make any concessions or adopt any conciliatory measures, and the president's advice was disregarded.

CHAPTER VIII.

MR. DORR'S VISIT TO WASHINGTON AND NEW YORK.

HIS RETURN TO PROVIDENCE. ATTACK UPON THE

ARSENAL.

IMMEDIATELY after the adjournment of the constitutional legislature, Mr. Dorr proceeded to Washington, and laid his case before the chief magistrate and heads of the departments. But he soon found, to his mortification, that the administration had become strongly prejudiced against him in consequence of misrepresentations which had been made by the envoys of the charter government.

Southern men had become imbittered against him and his cause by being told that it was wholly an antislavery movement. This was false; not a particle of abolitionism was mingled in the controversy. At home the vilest slanders and most egregious falsehoods were conjured up and put in circulation by the obsequious minions of power; the desk and the forum assisted to give them currency, and they were echoed and reëchoed from high places. At one time it was rumored that Mr. Dorr was coming with murderous legions from abroad, and at another that he and his men intended to rob all the banks in the state, to pillage and burn the city of Providence, and ravish its fair inhabitants.

Such reports were not only entirely without foundation, but so extremely absurd and improbable, that no honest man ought to have given them currency. Again, to pacify the people, they were told that the government had consented to accede to their demands, and would, as soon as possible, give them a legal constitution, with free suffrage, and about every thing else they asked for.

On his return from Washington, Mr. Dorr was received in the city of New York with strong demonstrations of respect and confidence, and was assured that, if the president should oppose him with the national soldiery, that city would furnish troops enough to withstand all that the general government might send. Returning home, Mr. Dorr arrived at Stonington on Sunday morning, the 15th of May. As soon as it was known that he was at Stonington, a large party of citizens, with about thirty men under arms, proceeded to that place to greet him and renew their assurances of fidelity. On his arrival in Providence, he was met by a large escort of military and private citizens; a splendid barouche drawn by four fine white horses had been prepared for his reception, and as the procession moved through the principal streets of the city, shouts of welcome were heard on all sides. The pageant appeared more like the triumphant entry of a victor than that of a returning exile. The multitude thronged about his person to greet and encourage him, and renew again and again their promises of fidelity. But alas! many of these promises were hollow and false, and made by irresolute, fickle-minded men, who did not know themselves; and Mr. Dorr was destined soon to witness