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COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. XII. No. 4.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 25, 1807.

[PRICE 10D.

"That no person who has an office, or place of profit, under the king, or receives a pension from the "crown, shall be capable of serving as a member of the House of Commons."--Act, 12 and 13, Wil liam II, commonly called the Act of Settlement, that is to say, the act by which the crown was taken from the family of Stuart, and settled upon the family of Hanover.

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS. PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT (continued from page 84).-I. Lord Cochrane's Motion respecting Places, Pensions, c.II.Pre

ious Privilege.—————III. Irish Insurrection Bill: IV. Lord Cochrane s Motion respecting the Nary.-V. Pour Laws.VI. Westmin ster Election.On the 7th of this month Lord Cochrane made a motion, in the House of Commons, for the appointment of a conimittee to inquire into, and to ascertain, the number and amount of the emolument, of all places, offices, posts, sinecures, pensions, and fees, enjoyed by members of the present House of Commons, or their wives, children," and other relations, and also of all reversions held by them, or any of them, of such places, &c. &c. and of every thing whatever, yielding profit to them, either directly or indirectly, and arising from taxes, or impositions of any sort, upon the people.My motto, which contains one of the most im-1 portant of the conditions, upon which the Crown of England was taken from the family of Stuart and settled upon the family of Hanover, has been before selected by me; and, indeed, it ought, in one way or another, to be kept continually before the eyes of the nation. Upon the principles of this constitutional law, Lord Cochrane seems to have founded a very excellent motion,

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if he had said: "I hear much talk about the "constitution; whether I go upon the hus"tings, into the courts of justice, or into "this House, I hear perpetually recur the "word constitution, the invaluable consti

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tution, and I hear myself called upon to "make sacrifices for the constitution, to give all my money if wanted, nay, to die " for the sake of the constitution. It was quite natural, therefore, that I should en"deavour to ascertain what this constitution 65 was, or, at the least, to obtain some dis**tinct idea of it. I looked back into the history of the cashiering of the tyrant "James, and, in the laws, which were

passed in consequence of that event, I "found a description of the constitution, if "a description of it be any where to be "found. The causes of the cashiering are

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excellent rule, repealed; that is to say, "that a House of Commons, whom the "law forbade to hold places and pensions "under the crown, a House of Commons, "chosen under a law which forbade them to pocket the money of their constituents, passed a law to enable themselves to pocket as much of that money as they "could prevail upon the minister of the day to let them take. But, the constitutional principle remains unshaken by such alte"ration of the law; and, at a moment "when every man, of whatever party, is ready to declare that the nation is reduced to a state of great political peril, it seems to me necessary to inquire, to what ex"tent this partaking of the public money ty "the guardians of the public purse" has prevailed, or does now prevail."——Nothing, surely, could be more reasonable than this; and now let us hear what was said upon the subject, taking the report of the debate' as we find it in the news-papers.——“ Lord,

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Cochrane said, he was influenced by no "other motive than that of an anxious wish "to discharge a great public duty. If his "motion was acceded to, the result would

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prove, whether there was any possibility, "of making those who had lived and grown "rich upon the public money, feel for the

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extraordinary burdens under which the "people laboured. The late plan of finance. "bad proved that as much as could have "been exacted had been drawn from the "people, and that it was not possible to "draw more: ingenuity had exhausted it

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"self in devising new sources of taxation. "The people knew all this. If he was ask"ed, how he could so judge of the public "sentiment, he in answer should appeal to "the universal sentiment without doors; "the variety of publications; the language held upon the hustings throughout the

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empire during the late election; the language made use of in the different adver"tisements from the successful candidates "to their constituents, and if all these to"gether did not enable a man to form a just "estimate of public opinion, he did not "know what could do so; nor was it to be forgotten, the different shameless notices that appeared in the different papers concerning the sale of seats in a certain assembly. At the same time he wished it "to be understood, that nothing was farther "from his intention, than to complain of the "allowances made to the efficient public

officers; so far from thinking those allow"" ances as extravagant, he thought them "rather under than over what they should "be. As to his motives, Gentlemen might "be disposed to question them. He re"membered a member of that house being "accused of Jacobinism, because he ex

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pressed these sentiments which he (lord "C.) entirely concurred in."- -The motion itself concluded his lordship's speech, and a very puzzling motion it appears to have been. None of the ministers rose against it in the teeth; but, just as I had foreseen and foretold, a person precisely calculated for the thing, Mr. Bankes, got up and objected to it upon the ground of want of precedent. But, let us hear him, and with great attention too. His words are well-worthy of being heard and treasured up.- "He thought the information desir"ed by the noble lord desirable in many

respects; but it would be neither practi"cable nor proper to pass the order in its "present shape. There was no precedent "of such an order on the Journals, though "the house had frequently thought it right "to interpose and check the excessive or "improper distribution of salaries, pensions, "and emoluments, derived from the public.

So extensive a field of inquiry could hardly "be reduced to any of the known rules "adopted by committees of the house. "The places held by members of Parliament "were besides known, and the persion list was either regularly laid on the table every session, or might be on the motion of any member. The committee in which he had the honour to preside (the Committee of Finance) had ordered the pension list to be laid before it, and

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convey to the public an insinuation, that members of parliament were influenced by "considerations of private advantage for "themselves or their dependents. He knew "no ground, for casting at the present time an imputation never cast at any former "time. For it was most essential, that at "this critical period, the character of the "house of commons should not be degraded

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or depreciated. It was also unfair, as well "as impolitic and unpatriotic, to depreciate "the resources of the country, as the noble "lord had done, by stating that we were "on the verge of bankruptcy. Though "sensible of the difficulties of the times, "and of the relief arising from the judicious "suspension of taxation, every man of "judgement, who considered the situation "of the country, would allow there were "ample resources to meet the difficulties that

we had to encounter. He did not sce "how the advertisements, for the purchase "and sale of seats, in a certain assembly, "should be construed into an argument of "the general corruption of members of par"liament. He agreed with the noble lord, "that the public servants, and particularly "those of the higher classes, were rather "under than over paid. There was only

one species of pensions, which it was "necessary to inquire particularly into. "Within the three last years the several "public departments had got into the

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practice of granting pensions within them"selves, without complying with the pro"visions of Mr. Burke's Act that all pen"sions should be from the Exchequer only. "Some of the public departments had with"drawn themselves even from the controul "of the Treasury in this respect. On the "whole, however anxious for enquiry, "and desirous to afford the public informa"tion, he could not consent to pass the "noble lord's motion in its present shape."

As to the general pension list being laid before parliament, I will speak of that by-and-by. The rest of what Mr. Bankes said I shall leave without comment, and it will, doubtless, produce that effect, which every thing coming from a member, so exalted in point of character and public services as to be reckoned amongst those who are thought. of for the peerage, must naturally produce,- Mr. Curwen said, "that he had hoped the noble lord's motion "would have passed without a dissenting "voice. He had hoped some measures "would be taken to put an end to the dis

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"Officers in the army and navy, for "instance, and on the half pay, would be "included. If the matter was referred to "the committee, it might inquire not only "into the pensions held by members of "parliament, which would be distinguished

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by the names, but into all pensions, by "whomsoever held. The lists of pensions "and places might be had from the diffe"rent departments; but, if the inquiry of "the committee was deemed satisfactory,

he saw no objection to it. He thought "the motion ought to be extended in some respects, and narrowed in others, in "order to give it a useful and not an unnecessary range. The crown being "allowed the power of granting pensions "to a certain amount, it would be compe"tent to inquire before the report of the

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graceful scenes that had formed a subject " of such discreditable crimination and re"crimination a few nights since. It was "no objection that there was no precedent, "the unprecedented state of the thing was a stronger ground for the investigation. "When the exigency of the times was such as "to require the exertion of every arm, the "want of precedent was not to be pleaded "in bar to the satisfaction due to the public "mind. The Finance Committee had an "extensive range of inquiry before it, and ought not to suffer a day to elapse without reporting something. The practice of granting pensions without the coutroul of "the Treasury or the Exchequer, was a stronger ground of inquiry. When it was recorded on the Journals, that seats "in the house were bought and sold like "bullocks in Smithfield market (Mr. Horne "Tooke's petition), it was too much to find "fault with the noble lord for adverting to newspaper advertisements."-This last sentence was a pretty good answer to Mr. Bankes's complaint about throwing out insinuations calculated to depreciate the character of the House! Mr. Tooke's is far from an insinuation. Mr. Curwen expressed, for what reason I know not, his approbation of the manner in which Sir Francis Burdett was elected, though he disapproved of Sir Francis's subsequent address to the electors of Westminster, without, however, imputing any thing more than a want of judgement to him. Whereupon I, as one of the subscribers to that unparralleled election, shall only observe, that my opinion of that event and of the address of Sir Francis is no more changed by what Mr. Curwen said, than my opinion of the character of the Honour-holy-water. Mr. J. Smith added, that, see

able House could be by any insinuations that Lord Cochrane could throw out against itMr. Whitbread followed Mr. Curwen, and he too wished the inquiry to be referred to the Committee of Finance, that committee the appointment of which, as now new-moddled, this same Mr. Whitbread had strenuously opposed! This was the committee, loaded with a year's labours at least, to whem Mr. Whitbread proposed to leave this all important inquiry!Snap, at your word! Mr. Perceval closed with this immediately, and said, "that no opposition would be made "to the motion, if the noble mover would "assent to a modification, such as was

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committee, as well as after, whether "the pension list ought to be reduced.. "The house having fixed the amount to "be granted, he questioned whether it "would be right to canvass the propriety "of every individual grant. He moved, in the way of amendment, that the "matter should be referred to the Finance "Committee," of which, as the reader wil recollect, Messrs. Leycester, Ryder, i, Carew, H. Addington and others are members. Lord Ossulston spoke in favour of the original motion. Mr. J. Smith stated a fact truly astonishing, namely, that, "amongst his numerous constituents, "an opinion certainly prevailed, that the "House of Commons was not so indepen"dent as it ought to be!" Indeed! Astonishing! This is a case, if one belonged to the popish party, to call vehemently for

ing how greatly the dangers of the country had been increased by the recent events upon the continent, he thought the power of the crown ought not to be diminished; and, as there was under discussion no branch of that power, except that of granting places and pensions, he must, of course, have regarded this species of power as well adapted to the resisting of Napoleon's armies. Well! if this be the opinion, let it be tried, say I!

-Mr. Lyttleton and Sir J. Subright spoke in favour of Lord Cochrane's motion, as did. also Mr. W. Smith.But, Mr. Illerforce made the most valuable speech. This is just your right sort of man for making a speech upon such an occasion. Let's hear him. "Mr. Wilberforce, after adverting "to the integrity and independence of his "honourable friend (Mr. Bankes), express"ed his regiet that he should have said any thing on the present occasion which

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openness and fair dealing, to make public "men and parliament stand well in public

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opinion, and he was GLAD that this "motion had been made, as it would tend "to secure that object. But there was a danger of hunting too eagerly after popularity. The circumstance that rendered popular governments more capable of great exertions than others, was the "affection of the people to their institu"tions, and their consequent willingness "to bear the public burthens. It was, "therefore, of the last importance that "the house of commons should stand well "with the considerate part of the community, "particularly with the middle classes, which "formed the most valuable part of it. IF an idea had gone forth that there was a great deal of corruption in that house, it was desirable that the public should be satisfied that there was a great deal more "independence in it than was imagined. "This motion came rather suddenly, and "he was desirous to adjourn the debate for "two or three days, to consider about the "most proper mode of attaining the object "in view (a cry of no, no!). He doubted "whether it ought to be referred to the "Committee of Finance or to a separate "Committee. The Committee of Finance "had certainly a great deal of business

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already, and would probably bring suns "into the public service that were at present "lost to the state. But the point deserved "consideration"- -Considération! What consideration was wanted upon the su ject?

Lord Cochrane wanted to know how many of the members of the House had emoluments arising out of the taxes; how many of "the guardians of the public purse" received money out of that purse. What consideration," therefore, was wanted to determine, whether he should have this information in a day or two, or whether he should wait a year or two for it? Yes, it was, as Mr. Wilberforce says, a subject of regret, that any thing should have been said, which might have the oppearance of a desire to prevent inquiry; for, as he afterwards declared (very sincerely, I dare say), he must have been exceedingly glad that this motion had been made. Before I proceed with the debate, I must notice Mr. Wilberforce's curious doctrine relative to pensions granted to retiring place men, upon the same principle that half pay is granted to officers in the army and navy! Comparisons sometimes serve to make truth more apparent; but, is this a comparison of that sort? What similarity is there between the case of a captain in the army, who has served abroad and at home, up to that rank, and who has bought his commission, perhaps,. whose full pay is a bare subsistence for oneman; and that of a man who has been receiving a large salary, in comfort and safety at home? In the navy men must enter at soearly an age as to render it quite improbable, that, when they are grown up, they should be able to return to private life, and. there acquire the means of living; and, as to both army and navy, these are professions which can be followed no where but under the government; so that, if an officer of either sercice loses his employment in that service, he loses his only means of exis

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But, is this the case with placemen? They can, at any time, become what they were before; and, in general, all they have received, in the way of salary, is so much of clear gains. What hinders Mr. Huskisson, for instance, to set up apothecary? Have the large sums which Mr. Canning has received, in his several offices, disqualified him for again editing a newspaper? What should prevent Mr. Rose from getting as good a living as he got before he was in office? Observe, too, that the half-pay of officers in the army and navy is not given to them for life and without conditions. They are liable to be called on again, at an hour's warning, not only to come to their regiments,but to go abroad, to face the enemy's sword or the dangers of climate. Nothing more needs be said to show to the officers of the army and the navy the nature of Mr. Wilberforce's comparison. They will.

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not want rouch to enable them to form a just opinion of it. In truth, I am half inclined to believe, that this comparison must have arisen from an erroneous chain of reasoning upon that part of Sir Francis Burdett's address, wherein he speaks of " the Regiment;" but, I much question, whether even the Baronet himself, though wellacquainted with the establishment, dreamt that it would openly speak of its list of half-pay!--This speech of Mr. Wilberforce was most valuable. It gave us the true picture. It was one of those matters, that he was speaking upon, that was clearly understood by the people.-After him came Mr. Sheridan, who observed, "that the noble lord very wisely had not prefaced his motion with much argument, because (if he comprehended him rightly) his object was not so much to "diminish the public expenditure, as to as"certain the degree of influence which the

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crown possessed in that house. As to "the mode proposed by the right hon. the "chancellor of the exchequer, it appeared

to him to be a most roundabout way to go "into the general investigation of the sub"ject, to obtain a list of all the places, "pensions, &c. enjoyed by different indi"viduals, and from that list to select the "names of the members of that house who

participated in them. Why not the individual list called for by the noble lord? "Every gentleman seemed to be tender upon "this subject; but the only way to con

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vince the public that its suspicions were "unfounded, was not to mask the matter, but to show at once what part of the house received these emoluments, and "what part did not. In his opinion it was "much better that government should ex"pend fifty, aye, a hundred and fifty mil"lions of money annually in the general "service of the country, than that they ** should expend £50,000 in the house of "commons. He objected to any alteration " in the noble lord's motion. If the re

sult of the prodection of the list for "which the noble lord had moved, should "be to astonish those who were not dis

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stage of the debate, wished to set him"self right with the house. While now "in place, he did not enjoy the pension, "which had been granted to him on his

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formerly quitting office."To this Mr. Calcraft replied, in the course of a very short, but very pithy speech: " he would not," he said, trouble the house long. "The noble lord's proposition was, that a "list of the members who were directly or indirectly under the influence of mi "nisters, should be laid on the table. If "there were persons who had their patrimony out of the public money, it was proper that they should be known. There were some who could not have their MAR"RIAGE SETTLEMENTS without pen"sions, reversions, &c. &c. The hon. gentleman opposite (Mr Hushisson), had a grant, which, from its nature, ceased "when he came into office. This was only 1000l. and his office brought him "40007. he could not therefo e hesitate in "his choice between them. But if he was "not mistaken, the hon gentleman had a sinecure place too, which he enjoyed along with the office, and indeed. ́ in "casting his eye along the Treasury Bench, "it was difficult to find one who had not some great emolument of this nature. It

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ought to be seen on which, side of the "house the greatest portion of indepen"dence existed, and the list ought to be "laid on the table unmixed with baser mal"ter.-Mr. G. Rose, with great warmth, "said, that the extent of his rewards for "his public services were well known to the "public. He challenged inquiry, and wished that the terms of the present mo"tion might be rendered as satisfactory as "possible."--One of the evils of living in the country, is, that one is prevented from being an eye-witness of the generous warmth of George Rose! Aye, indeed, enough in all conscience of his rewards are well-known to the public. Of his “ half

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pay," as well as his full pay, we have quite sufficient knowledge; but, Mr. Wilberforce, George's half-pay goes on at the same time with his full pay. Thus your comparison does not hold, plausible as it might, for a moment, have been amongst "middle classes of society." Well

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