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. Here is a specimen of the new and pure Aristocracy, created by the Right Honourable Gentleman, as the

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*PPort of the crown and constitution, against the old, refractory, natural interests of this kingdom. A - - - - - who, long since, ought to have fattened the region kites -: with his oftal, is, by his Majesty's Ministers, enthroned in the government of a great kingdom ; and

*** with an estate, which, in the comparison, effaces the splendour of all the nobility of Europe.” -**** : on the Nabob of Arcot's debts, 38th Feb. 1785. Seohis works, vol. iv. p. 308.

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

“ Penish CoMMERCE" (continued from page 88.1.) IX. Respecting the effects of commerce upon the civil and political liberties of England. My correspondent, W. F. S. whose letter will be found in page 854, expresses his fears, that, if commerce were annihilated, we should fall back into that state, when the population of this kingdom consisted of Lords and Vassals. After having described the rise of civil liberty, he puts his question to me thus: “Do we not, by anni. “hilating commerce, retrace, the steps, which brought us from feudal tyranny.” My answer is, that, while, by annihilating commerce, we should not retrace one of those steps, we should cut up by the roots that political corruption, which, in a thousand ways, has operated to our oppression at home, and has been the chief cause of all the dangers, with which we are now menaced from abroad. This is my opinion. I now proceed to offer the reasons upon which that opinion is founded. Liberty, by which I always mean, freedom from oppression, did not arise, in this country, from the

operation of commerce (that is to say, trade,

with foreign nations), but from the conflicting interests and passions of our ancient kings aid their thanes or barons. The church had something to do in the matter; but, it was chiefly the work of the kings, who, in order to free themselves from the tyranny of the barous, called in the people to their aid; and, that this aid might be efficient, they did, by degrees, arm theim with political privileges, after having emancipated them and enabled them to possess property. But, this was wholly a work of internal regulation and enterprize. The people, as fast as they became free, as soon as they could call their persons their own, naturally became proprietors; from free men, they became freeholders; and, with the aid of the nume. rous measures, adopted from time to time, the laud of England, which, at the Norman conquest was in the hands of, perhaps, not. *ore than seven or eight thousand persons,

—[898 became divided amongst hundreds of thousands. Power followed property, or, rather, they went hand in hand; the dispersion of the one naturally produced the dispersion of the other; and thus was the partial and capricious sway of the feodal lords made, by degrees, to give way to the operatic.s of goneral laws and fixed principies of joispädence, leaving nothing of the old system behind, except that which was deemed useful, and which really was, and still is, useful, as to the distinction of ranks, the ascertaining of local limits, and the tenure of property. What part of this great change was, I would bag to know, the effect of commerce? The effect of trade and connection with soreign nations, not one of whom could afford any example, whereon to frame that constitution which arose in England, and all of whom have remained, until within these very few years, under the sway of feodal or royal despots : As fast as the people of England became free, they became possessed of property; they enjoyed not only food sus. ficient for them, but also a share of the surplus produce of the soil, which would naturally increase from the same cause. Hence, and not from foreign trade, arose arts and manufactures; and, that the persons, thus employed, might have their due share of political power, corporations and boroughs were established. Men in trade, that is to say, engaged in buying and selling, would naturally arise as arts and manufactures increased. In all these divisions of the population, sorne would naturally acquire great riches, without any aid at all from foreign trade; and, if we have proved, that, upon a general scale, the nation can acquire no wealth from foreign trade; if we have proved, that, if commerce were to cease, all those who are now employed in manufacturing for foreigners, would be employed in contributing to the national wealth at home, what reason is there to fear, that the loss of commerce would throw us back under a feodal tyranny? If commerce were dastroyed, the persons now employed in man-lic

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hundred thousand pounds a year in silks for

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their wives and daughters, wou'd, you will say, apply that sum to the purchasing up of the property of thoss, who, on account of the cossation of the silk-trade, are obliged to sell ; and, thus, branch after branch of trade failing, the property of traders, piece by piece would fall back again into the hands of the landowners, until, at last, we should come back again to the feodal system. But, I have, in my former sheet, page 875 and the two following ones, shown W. F. S. that there are, out of a population of about 11,000,000 no more than 400,000 persons now employed in manufacturing for comnerce and in carrying on commerce. Supposing, then, the cessation of the silk and other foreign trades to work in the way

: above described, we should make but a very

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through the means of commerce, purchase slaves at home. But, it is we here in England (I use this word because H hate a long compound name for a nation) who, in fact, pay the amount of the pillage. We pay ar. mies and fleets, and we make direct grants of millions, for the maintenance of colonies. The people there are oppressed and pillaged; but we pay the amount of the pillage. Suppose a parish were wicked or foolish enough to raise within itself a thousand pounds, and give it to an expert and gallant gentleman to go and raise contributions upon the next parish; that the various expences which he should be at for the hiring of subaltern ruffians, fer the obtaining of arms, and for food and lodgings, cost him a thousand pounds; and, that, finally, he comes back with a thousand pounds worth of pillage. He has gained a thousand pounds; but the individuals of each of the parisbes have lost to that amount; and, the only difierence between them, as to the consequences, is, that the parish which has sent him out to plunder, has the satisfaction to see him raised above the heads of his former fellows, and making some of them, in fact, his slaves. Thus, does this sort of commerce, at any rate, deal its curses double-handed. But, the political effects of commerce are so glaringly injurious, that it is matter of astonishment, that any sensible and honest man should not perceive them and dread their final and inevitable consequences. One would think it impossible for any such man, recollecting the facts detailed in the speech, from which I have taken my motto, not to abhor the vcry name of commerce. Mr. Burke states, in that speech, that Benfield, had right memters in the Horse of Commons. Now, if the wealth, which, by that corrupt transaction, had been heaped upon him, had been divi. ded amongst a thousand or two of traders at home, is it not evident, that it would have had no stoch effect as this? If the million of money (I believe it was more) that he re. ceived out of the taxes, had not been raised in taxes, it would have been distributed about in supplying the wants and luxuries of those who paid those taxes; but, would no where have had, either in the beginning or

the end, the corrupting consequence so clearly proved by Mir. Burke. A hundred

particular instances might be quoted of this

corrupting effect of commerce; but, one has

only to reflect a little to be convinced, that

commerce must have a corrupting tendency:

It forms men together in large companies, or

bodies. They soon acquire great pecunia)

powers; and they as soon perceive, that the

ininister of the day, be he who or what he will, has great controul over their interests. Hence they become his own faithful adherents upon all occasions; and, when the government becomes interwoven with a funding system, the contmerce and the minister can, at any time, set the country at desiance. By the debt due from the East India Compamy to the public, and the demand of payment of which depends solely upon the minister, he holds that body in a string. The merchants and planters of Grenada he holds by a loan made to them out of the taxes, and the re-payment of which loan he can at any title demand. The Sierra Leone Company, finding themselves engaged in a losing con. cern, wished to throw their debts upon the public. That is, if I recollect rightly, now effected by an act of parliament; and, before it was effected, the Company received a large annual grant from that pariiament of which some of them were members. The Company of merchants at the Bank of England have a law passed to protect them against the demands of the holders of their promisory notes; and, in short, everything connected with commerce is necessarily on the side of the minister of the day. The commercial and the funding systems are inseparable. One cannot go to any mischievous length without the other; and, by the latter, that is to say, by rendering a considerable part of the population mere state annuitants, the nation is made to be even zealous in promoting its own ruin.—It is to be noted, too, that men engaged in commerce, that is to say, in close and interested connections with foreign coun. tries, must have their local affections divided; and, it would be sharvellous indeed, if some out of a great number, did not prefer the safety of another country to that of their own, especially when their profession is such as necessarily to have narrowed their minds to questions of individual and immediate profit and loss. These are very fit advisers in natters relating to war, or to treaties; and yet, it must be pretty evident to every man, of only common observation, that, for many years past, they have been the principal advisers ; and, the result is now, and log has been, before us. Commerce, therefore, so far from operating beneficially, with respect to civil and political liberty, appears to rise to have been, in this country, their greatest enemy. Had it not been for commerce, the accurs d system of funding never could have existed to any extent. Commerce, by the means of its attendant assen, Llores and incorporation of rich and active men, has destroyed the natural influence of the proprietors and cultivators of the land, as well as of persons in trade, if unconnected with those

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assemblages. Commerce has given rise to, and established, beyond the reach of every thing but national desperation, that system of taxing, which has made a burlesque of the maxim, that “ Englishmen's houses are their cassocs.” Commerce has erected a sort of under government, to which official reports, not only of importent occurrences, in war and in peace, are made, but also of intended measures; the beads of that affiliation being consulted with as regularly as if they were of the king's council. Commerce, by the creation of such a power in the state, has caused the national character to be degraded, it being notorious, that, upon almost every occasion, the question has been, not what is just, but what is expedient, the expediency turning solely upon the interests of commerce. Commerce has debased the naval service by giving to the whole of it a trading cast and complexion. Endless is the list of evils which commerce has brought upon England; but, there needs nothing else than to say, that it has reduced her to her present situation, in which the highest hope she entertains is that of being able to prevent herself from being conquered by France To those persons (for I am confident there are many), who think with me, upon this subject, how contemptible must appear all these laboured addresses to the public, which have, of late, appeared in the Morning Chronicle newspaper, under the signature of A. B. whose object is to persuade us, that there is scarcely any sacrifice of honoir or of permanent safety, which we oright not to make, 7 at her than risk a war with America, a war, in which we could not fossibly receive any injury from the arms of the enemy. I have thought it my duty, at this time, to read the whole of the letters of this canting, whining, shallow-brained writer; and, without looking into the book which I see advertised as a compendium of the “ .isise is of Horian Lif,” I venture to affirm, that to be compelled to perform this task, is well calculated for the winding up of the nielancholy catalogue. There is, however, one passage, which, by way of specineo, and as applicable to the subject of which I have been treating, that I shall here insert, begging the reader to observe, as he proceeds in the perusal of it, how the American foot peeps from beneath the English cloak. I do not take it upon me to assert, that this writer is really of American birth, but, when we consider, that, in funds, goods, and debts, Englishmen have proba. bly, two millions worth of property in that country, we may easily sopose the existence of Atherican Inc.ives with the honour

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of American birth.—This writer, after pretending to wish to see England and America united for the sake of opposing Napooleon, proceeds thus: “ If he could bring “ America into his vortex, his triumph would be counglete; without it, in the end, he will be nothing. There are, nevertheless, madmen walking about our streets, who have probably broken loose when Bedlam was lately repairing, who consider a war with America as rather to be courted than avoided; we should, according to them, “ blockade all their

orts, and take all their ships." It would §: a notable exploit, to be sure, in the greatest WHOLESALE DEALER in London, to succeed in nailing up the retail shops of all his customers in town and country, and to procure the seizure of all the waggons and lighters, conveying his own goods to every corner of the country and of the world ! To whom, pray, are we to sell all these American prizes, and our own manufacturers' produce And from whom, in the event of scarcity, are we to import flour, or tat and timber for our marine, if we are at war with the whole world 2 But would it be only a present loss 2 Recollect, that the population of America is already eight millions, and that the portentous state of Europe is a hot bed to her. She doubles her numbers every sixteen years. If peace and harmony are preserved, you will scom want no other customers. . She already takes ten millions, annually, of your oxports. In twenty years, which is but a day in the period of a nation, she will take twenty millions; and in twenty more, which is but as another day, forty millions; and in twenty years more, which is but as a third day, you cannot cloath her, or administer to her wants and luxuries. You may blot the Continent of Europe out of the map, and yet your trade and consequent revenues, would overflow. If you continue to cultivate peace, she will not manufacture for her'self, so as to interfere with you, until her boundless deserts are cultivated ; a period incalculably distant.” Now, who is the madman? He very coolly calculates upon a sixty years duration of the American Republic; very seriously supposes, that a government like that, of which Mr. Thomas Jefferson is the head, will bear sway over sixty millions of souls . If grasshoppers had souls, it might; but never will it hold together, even nominally, ten millions of human beings; and, if there should be a war

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on our part, the far-famed constitution, of which so many well-meaning men have pronounced the eulogium, has not many months to live.——But, let us not pass over the argument that this pleader for America makes use of, in the passage above quoted. It comes upon us in the shape of a comparison, about a great wholesale dealer in London and the shops and waggons of his customers; but, this writer forgot, that, in order to give force to the comparison, he should, first or last, have shown, that there existed a similarity in the circumstances relating to the

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the making of cloth, and those hands will (a very few in all) turn to other employments in such a way, that, either directly or indirectly, they will in a short time, produce, from our home produce, something to please idle people full as well as tobacco, without which, I take it, a nation might very well I love this wholesale dealer too well, however, to quit him yet. Let us suppose a state of barter instead of a state of money, for that will greatly simplify our view of the matter. The wholesale dealer, who shall have nothing, must exchange his cloth for food, and rairment, or he dies; but, let him have rainment and every thing else but food : he must have that, and he intist exchange his cloth to get

it. But, the nation has the food that it wants;

it has already had a surplus quantity of food wherewith to feed the people who were making the cloth, and it was willing to give it, (I might say throw it) away for the purpose of obtaining, in exchange, the luxury of tobacco. It has the same surplus now that it had before the cloth was made, and, if it give it away in exchange for superior fineness, or for some ornament, in its cloth, is not that luxury as good to it as the luxury of tobacco, 2 For the argument of this profound politician, whom the editor of the Morning Chronicle, for the sake, I suppose, of teaching the virtue of patience to his readers, invites to a continuation of his labours : to have been good for any thing, except that of misleading those who do not reflect, it should, some where or other, have been shown, that we drew the necessaries of lise from America, as the wholesale dealer must draw them, however circuitously, from his customers. There does, indeed, lower down, drop in, incidentally, a slight attempt towards the establishing of this similarity, in certain cases, which, as always existing, ought to have been the basis of the argument. We are asked, how, in times of scarcity, we are to get corn. Now, not to mention, that, from authentic documents, it appears, that during no one year of the late scarcity, the corn imported, from all the foreign nations put together, was imore than enough to supply our wants for one week, it happens, unfortunately for the argument of this wholesale politician, that, to whatever amount the imported corn might be, we must have, first or last, produced, on that account too, a surplus of corn here, else we could not have fed the people while working upon the manufactures, for which that corn was exchanged ; and, whatever effect he may hope to produce upon the minds of unthinking persons, by a display of the horrors of scarcity with closed ports, he may be assur. ed, that, men of common sense and reflec. tion, will never be scared at this idea, knowing, as they do, that less than two millions and a half of us now produce, upon this land of ours, enough food for eleven millions ; that part of this food now goes, in the end, to be exchanged for tobacco ; and, that, when we want corn, it is because we enjploy met, in manufacturing goods to exchange for tobacco instead of emp;oying them to raise more corn here, for which purpose we have an abundance of land already enclosed, and that waits only for more hands to render it more productive. I will pass over the notions, that Napoleon wants only America on his side to complete his triumph ; that, without her, he, in the end, will be nothing ; that, taking care to secure her continued custom, we may blot the continent of Europe from the trap : all this I pass over as the natural offspring of that disgusting vanity, which, next after meanness and fraud, is the promi. bent feature in the American character, exceptirg, as, in such cases, I always do, the inhabitants of New England and the Quakers of Pensylvania. Having gone so far in the sin of noticing this writer, I am induced, like sinners of another description, to go a little farther, hoping that the reader,

between this country and that, well managed | for the agument of this profound gentlem”

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when he considers the present state of our Counection with America, will not think

his time entirely thrown away in hearing what her adherents have to urge in behalf of further concession to her.—“This view of the subject” [the locked-for sixty millions of customers] “should never be lost sight “ of for any speculative temporary loss or “ inconvenience. In all our transactions with America, we should look, to the America of fifty years, or a century, to come. The policy of a nation should be prospective, extending to the contemplation of suture ages, and not like the prudence of a trolsaction between man and man, which is properly contracted within the narrow span of individual existence. America also should reason upon the same principle.—She is now in her infancy, and, if not checked in her growth by an unnatural struggle with her parent, will arrive sooner at maturity and greatness, than any nation of antiquity; because she started into life in the nieridian of civilization : but if, from her highly Republican Constitution, she acts in her great political character, from the slidden impulses of the multitude, and not from the mature considerations of a regular Government, she may throw away, in a rash mrement, all the advantages which her firmness and virtue, in the storm of her revolution, has so eminently entitled her to enjoy —But to return to the interests of our own country.

which it is admitted must follow from a war, would come back again with fresh advantages with the peace, which our arms would speedily enforce. Nothing can be more fallacious than this expectation. If the present dispute should ferment into national hostility, America will manufacture immediately for herself; and it will be extremely difficult to prevent the emigration of your spinners, whilst the stagnation of your trade continues, even supposing it to be but temporary. The raw material she has already, the rice plantations in Carolina have to a great extent been converted to the growth of cotton, and Louisiana alone would grow enough to manufacture for the whole habitable world. But, supposing. her manufactures not to reach at first to supply luxuries (which they certainly would not), she would manusacture cl: ; goods—would make it a national d, si, tion to wear them, and penai to wear , , , other. I know that this was contempoed during the American Revolution, i. the independence had not taken place , and that it is talked of now from oil

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—It is said, that our losses and privations,

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