been done in another manner. The dominion of the seas should have been explicitly asserted; and, the vessels stopped, or brought in, should have been made to pay a tribute. The effect upon commerce would have been the same, but the effect upon the minds of mankind would have been very different. What have we now 'done? We have gone

solely upon a principle of retaliation; we have said, you have injured our commerce, and we will injure yours; we have acted under the evident hope of being able to give new life to our declining commerce; we have, in short, proclaimed to the whole world, that we sorely feel the effectsof the conquer's or edicts, and that we are making a desperate attempt to obtain vengeance.- -The London prints seem to be almost ready to cry, when they give us an account of the "severe and cruel decrees" of Napoleon against our commerce and merchants. As to the merchants that may fall into his clutches, I shall be sorry to hear of their suffering, in any way; but, it should always be recollected, that they went abroad for their own interest's sake; that they were in pursuit of no public benefit; and that they will reap only the fruit of their adventuring, which might have turned ont very much to their advantage.--" The "correspondence of England with every part of the Continent is intercepted, we have, in consequence of the blockade, in our hands, more than on hundred thou"sand English letters and bills of exchange

to the amount of several millions sterling. "These measures must reduce the English

to a desperate situation."This is the language of the last received Fresh official prim, the Moniteur, whose editor appears not to yield, in point of profundity, to any of the sages, by whom the people of England are taught and ruled. But, if Mr. Spence's and my doctrine be sound, instead of joining the London prints in crying at this news, may not the public well laugh at it, as I do at this moment? What are the letters and bills of exchange to us? To the nation, I mean? One half of the bills of exchange are, I dare say, payable in Londoa; and, it must certainly "reduce us to a desperate situation," if the said bills should not arrive! This interruption to commerce will, no doubt, reduce many individuals to a despera e situation; but, what is that to the nation? Suppose it to ruin, in the common acceptation of that word, a hundred thousand persons, there will be, in the kingdom, fifteen millions as well off as they were before. But, when we talk of effects, of all sorts, we are apt to exaggerate greatly. Thus, a di

minution of wealth is often called ruin; and, indeed, an obstruction to the further accumulation of wealth is frequently designated by that desponding term. If Mr. Nokes, for instance, be, all at once, reduced from ten thousand a year income to the one or two hundred a year, which his goods and chattel will yield him, we call him a ruined man; though, for my part, I see nothing that he wants to make him happy, and to bring up his family. To be sure, he cannot keep his boxes at the opera and the playhouses; he cannot purchase tickets to hear the squalling and squeaking and piping of the Italian singers; he can no longer keep French cooks and Swiss valets; he must cease to drink wine, and his wife and daugh ters must cease to wear velvet and silk and jewels and spangles and ostrich feathers and paste and paint; and, so much the better. His reduced income, aided by industry, will furnish him and his family with plenty of food and raiment, while the nine thousand eight hundred pounds à year, which he has ceased to receive, will, in all probability, be scattered about in such a way as to cause a proportionate decrease in the demand for Italian singers, French cooks, Swiss valets, and paint and paste for the face, arms, neck and shoulders. The singers and such people would, doubtless, suiler from the change here contemplated; but, I think, it is clear, that nobody else would; and that, as to the nation sofiring from it, the fact is, evidently, the reverse. May we not, then, laugh at the profictions of the Moniteur, if we are convinced that cor government is in the hands of wise and incorrupt men? Aye, let this be as it may, we ought to laugh heartily; for, out of the present state of things, good, in one way or another must come. ------Now, I am well aware, that I shell, for a while, make but few converts. The doctrine I prach is so contrary to the settled opinions of the na tion, generally speaking; it is so hostile to the feelings of numerous persons; it includes sech a fearful fall of those who have, in fact, ruled the nation for so many years; that I am satished, that, comparatively speaking, few people will, at first, listen

to me.

But, I am equally well satisfied, that it only requires time, and not a very long time, to work a general conversion, especially if the joint endeavours of Buonaparté and our ministry should effect the destruction of any considerable part of our commerce. We shall then have the proof, the experimental proof, that all our alarms, upon this score, were groundless, We shall find, that, upon a general scale

(and that is the way to estimate), the loss of commerce will produce no diminution of our public resources, no diminution of the comforts of the people; while, on the other hand, it must break up those combinations, which have been, and are, the most convenient instrumes of corruption. We have a convincing proof, that the loss ci commerce has not weakened France. Why are we, then, to suppose, that it wil expose us to subjugation? Let the Moniqur anwer this question. In short, we have, within ourselves, every thing necessary (o our comfort and our defence, and, if we do not make use of the means, which a bountiful Providence has placed in our hands, we shall, and we ought to. perish as a nation.

AUSTRIA, SPAIN, AND PORTUGAL.The first of these countries has, we are told. declared war against, which is much about of as much consequence to us as a similar declaration on the part of one of the Emperors of Otaheite would be; and of far less consequence than the growth of a single bushel of wheat or barley. Nay, it is, in one respect, a good; because it will put an end, for the present, at least, to our em bassy in Austria; and, I suppose, the expense of maintaining it at home, by pensions and allowances, will not be quite so great as the maintaining of it there; though, observe, I do not take upon me to state this as a fact ascertained.- -As to the affair in Spain, where the royal father accuses the royal son of a conspiracy against his lite, that is to say, of meditated parricide, there are, it appears, from the London papers, two opinions. Some persons suppose, that the king has hatched this accusation against his son; others, that the charge is well founded. I cannot, of course, pretend to say which of these opinions is correct; but, of one thing I am quite certain, aud that is, that either the father or the son, is an atrocious scoundrel, however often the one may have been called the best of kings, and the other, the illustrious heir apparent. The London newspapers, particularly the Courier, ascribes the conduct of the king (whom they accuse of hatching the accusation) to the machinations of the "giant fiend," which description I, as a matter of course, looked upon as applicable to the devil, whose giant stature is described by Milton; but, behold, who should it be but Buonaparté!" Little Boney," as the mob call him, is now become, all at once, a

giant fiend!" There is, however, this to be said, that it is a king; yea, a royal personage, whom he has seduced; and, I do hope, that the devil himself is not able

to seduce many, even amongst the villains of the earth, to lay a plot, for taking away the life of their own child. -The Courier represents the Queen, too, as an accomplice in this abominable design upon the son's life and that, too, at the instigation of the Frince of Peace, who, this writer insinuates, is a lover of her Majesty. Good lord! What shall we hear next? Why, he will really make us doubt, whether it be not high time that this Spanish royal race were succeeded by some other race; for, if what he says be true, I think it is quite impossible that the poor Spaniards should experience a change for the worse. He tells us, that the king's intellects are weak; or, in other words, that he is a fool. Fool as he is, he reigns, it seems; and therefore, in no just mind, can his folly be urged as an apology for the crime he is accused of by this writer. Besides, there is always some difficulty in conducting a plot with a fool. Indeed, his Most Catholic Majesty appears to have displayed no small degree of cunning upon this occasion, which cunning, though we often meet with it in confirmed fools, ought to plead against any apology that may be set up for his conduct; because, as I observed before, he reigns, and a man that reigns ought not to be a fool. The happiness and honour of millions ought not to be committed to the guardianship of a gabbling slobbering creature, fit only for the cell of a mad-house, though he may, at times, discover a greater degree of low cunning than even the oldest intriguer in his dominions. This apology, therefore, for his Most Catholic Majesty, will answer no good purpose. It does indeed, tend to aggravate the charge against him; and, it must reconcile the world to any change that may take place in Spain; for, what, Good God! can be more disgraceful to a nation; what can more sorely gall men of sense and of spirit, than the reflection, that their chief ruler, the person whom they are obliged to acknowledge as their sovereign, is a notorious ideot! -In Portugal affairs seem to be fast approaching to a crisis. The Prince Regent is, the Moniteur says (and upon such matters, it is pretty good authority), to lose his throne. The Prince Regent loses "his throne." Just in so many words, and no more. And it is very likely, that this is the sole channel, through which the Prince will receive any previous intimation of his fate. I think it probable, that Napoleon, now that he is bending his thoughts towards the South-West, is likely to give Spain the finishing stroke, too; and then, as to all this side of the continent, the work will

be done. In the South, and South East, and to the North, there is, yet, a good deal to do; but, the work-man, though no Latin Scholar, is a man of some dispatch. It has been suggested to me, by a very valuable correspondent, that we might arrest the progress of this" giant fiend" by opposing Lord Wel lesley to him. I have heard of a French woman, who says, "il n'y a que deux grands hommes dans le monde: Buonaparte et milor Wellesley." I am somewhat of the opinion of this French woman; but, I menn, as I presume she does, not to pit these great men against each other with the same sort of weapons. Buonaparte with a sword, and our little Cæsar with a pen; and, if the latter was but put in Mr. Canning's place, and we could but prevail upon Buonaparté to read his dispatches, nay, or only one half of them, he would never make conquest again; for, we would, every other day, at least, treat him with an epistle, which, if not quite so efficacious in the work of conversion, should be as long as all the epistles of all the Apostles put together.

Botley, 27th Nov. 1807.1

IRISH TITHES.

Sir; It appears by your reasoning in your Register of the 14th instant, on the subject of a commutation for Tithes in Ireland, that you are an enemy to such a proposition, and would still saddle the land with the expence of maintaining a clergy of one sort or the other. And you say

in proportion to the Catholic population, "I would, have diverted that expence to "their ministers, making the Protestant "Church a compensation in England, by """ purchasing up the lay impropriations, upon the unalterable condition, that Benefice "and Residence should in all cases, be in"separable. I had no intention to cheat "both the clergy and the laity, and call it "patriotism."--I have always entertained so high an opinion of your judgement and good sense, that I differ from you with much diffidence, but as my sentiments are so much at variance with yours, after perusing what you have said with all the attention in my power, I am inclined to believe that you have not considered this great question in all its bearings with your usual discrimination, as your reasoning on most subjects has wrought conviction on my mind. As few men are so capable as yourself and this question being of the highest interest, I am sure that your readers will be under great obligations to you to favor them with your matured sentiments upon it, and none

I assure you, will feel the obligation more strongly than myself. Being winacquainted with the system in Ireland my remarks must be confined to that of England, and having always understood that in Ireland this grievance is the most oppressive, every observation must apply with additional force. I am fully convinced that the landowner, would be materially benefitted if tithes were abolished, as in that case the occupier of land could certainly afford to pay in additional rent, what he now pays in tithes, and I have no doubt would be required to do so; but in the instance of a commutation (which supposes the same pay. ment by a different mode) I confess it does not appear to me that the landlord can be a gainer. You seem of opinion that if the occupier of land does not pay less to the parson as a composition, than he now does, that he can derive no substantial benefits, from the proposed change. It is the generalpractice in this country to lease lands for considerable terms, at certain rents, the tithes are also in many instances leased, but I believe in most they are not, and under the most favorable circumstances such lease must depend on the life of the incumbent, which from its uncertainty must in a multitude of instances turn to the disadvantage of the occupier, for no sooner does a change take place, than the new rector has recourse to a valuation of the tithes, and generally they are either raised or taken in kind; in the former case, the occupier must be in a worse situation than if the landlord had leased him the whole, as would have been the case had tithes no existence; and in the latter a most grievous oppression would be exercised by taking a tenth of the produce from land, got into a high state of cultiva tion at great expence and by many years exertion. Under these circumstances the Farmer would be deprived of much more than he ought in justice to pay, by a subtraction of a tenth of the produce thus acquired; or by a different course of husbandry, which would certainly be injurious to himself, he would considerably lessen the advantages. that the community would otherwise receive. And this to spite the Parson.-You are too good a judge of human nature to doubt that this must happen,, or not to know that these circumstances must continually occur.-With regard to your observation of apportioning the tithes between the clergy of different religions in proportion to the population, every enlightened mind must coincide with you in so liberal a sentiment, and I must decidedly agree with you that Benefice and Residence should be inseparable, unlessțin

extreme cases, when half the profits of the living should belong to the curate, who should reside-But to me your proposition of applying the tithes of England to the payment of the resident clergy in Ireland would be extremely objectionable. Suppose a Farmer seeing his tithes taken in kind, and the profits sent to a clergyman in Ireland, whom he had never seen and for whom he could entertain nothing but detestation. What would you say to that Mr. Cobbett, or what would the people of England think of such a measure:-You also say you would still have saddled the land with the expence of maintaining the clergy. My understanding is certainly not sufficient to discern the rule of equity by which you would burthen any particular description of persons with the whole charge of maintaining a clergy, when all classes of the community are equally interested in, and benefitted by such an establishment. I do not see why a tenth part of the produce, or a fifth part of the rent of my little farm (which is what tithes are usually let at) should be taken towards the support of an establishment, when the rich merchant, the overgrown Fundholder, or the man whose fortune is on bond or mortgage to ever so great an amount, are exempted from any charge whatever, though equally interested with me. I do not see the justice of all this, and I am sure you sir do not recommend it on the score of its having so long existed. Indeed formerly, according to Burn's ecclesiastical law, personal tithes, or a tenth part of the clear gain arising from the honest industry of men, was payable, which probably was discontinued on account of the difficulty of ascertaining its amount; however, be that as it may, there does not seem any good reason why the land alone should bear the whole burthen. I conceive the church establishment is intend ed as a general benefit, and that its real object is, or ought to be, the improvement of the morals of society at large, and therefore as all are interested, that mode of payment which falls the most equal on all classes, and is the least irritating to the feelings of any, should seem the best that could be adopted. If this idea is correct, it would be difficult to devise a mode more objectionable than the present one, or one more ruinous to agricultural improvements, or more destructive to religion, it being a source of endless vexation and discord; and to such a degree is it carried in several parishes which I know, as to cause a great part of the inhabitants to refrain from going to church.-Would it not be highly beneficial to the interests of religion, and infinitely

more equitable, if Parliament were to dispose of the tithes, and the clergy were to be paid in annuities; every individual would then contribute to their support, there being but few, who do not pay taxes to the state. To some this mode would be objectionable from the tendency it appears to have in throwing the influence of the clergy into the hands of government, and to others it being a fixed money payment, the depreciation of money might make it very injurious.-Perhaps the presentations remaining in the same persons might obviate the first objection, and the second might be easily remedied by a rise in the annuities at stated periods (if found by parliament to be necessary,) equal to the depreciation of money.-Having been an eye witness to a multitude of ills from the present partial and oppressive manner of providing for the clergy, and fully believing that it not only has an injurious tendency to the country, by cramping agricultural improvements in a variety of ways, but that it is also essentially injurious to the best interests of religion, I cannot help thinking, that the statesman who has virtue and resolution enough to undertake so great a good, as the commutation of tithes, will be entitled to be ranked amongst the most distinguished patriots of any clime or any age With much respect, I am Sir, &c. A LAND-OWNER. November 21.

COMMERCE.

SIR;I have perused Mr. Spence's arguments, as given in the last and preceding Register, together with your extracts; and, though I agree with you, Mr. Cobbett, that that gentleman cannot claim the praise of originality, either in his ideas, or in the printing of them; yet, I am free to say, that the public is much indebted to him for the clear, logical precision with which they are discussed in his publication. Admiring the positions laid down by yourself and Mr. Spence regarding commerce, and feeling as I do that the existence of this country as an independent nation*, is by no means endangered by the suspension of our foreign commerce, and persuaded too, that a temporary suspension will be of peculiar advantage to the country, because it will engrave on the hearts of Englishmen, the solemn, serious, and important TRUTH, that British independence and foreign commerce have by no means a reciprocal relation; yet, I confess, I cannot attain to the conclusion, that a permanent suspension of foreign commerce

By independence, I mean, her safety from foreign conquest,