prosperity is to be found, the work being made for the express purpose of preventing agricultural people from emigrating; that is to say, one part of the people is taxed to pay another part for throwing stones at the moon.

I should like to hear Mr. Spence (who, I am pretty certain, is a Scotchman) give his opinion upon these make-work grants to his countrymen; and I am the more anxious upon this point, seeing that the work pretending public utility is, in this case, a canal to unite the Eastern with the Western sea, for the advantage and extention of commerce! I should like to have Mr. Spence's ideas upon this topic:We have proved, in the former articles, written upon this subject, that whatever taxes seem to arise from commerce, do, in fact, arise from our own internal resources, commerce being merely the channel through which those taxes are collected. But, as appertaining to the objection, which we are now answering, we must notice the alarm that some persons feel, lest, commerce being destroyed, there would be an absence of all that wealth, which we now see individuals gain by commerce, and which is expended by them in taxes and in payments to various individuals. This wealth ceasing to be gained by commerce, many people ask, how are we to make up for the deduction which this loss will make from the taxes and from the sums expended in the employing of tradesmen and labourers? This alarmi, to those who look not beneath the surface of things, is natural enough; for to such persons, who form a great majority of the nation, the money, gained and expended by the merchant, or exporting manufacturer, is regarded as so much wealth, which he, by his commerce, brings into the country; and, of course, the cessation of commerce must, to all persons seeing the matter in this point of view, appear to be the certain forerunner of a great defalcation in the taxes and also of a great falling off in the custom to tradesmen and in the employment of servants of every description. But, let us try this by a close examination into the real state of the case. John a Nokes, for instance, is a great seller of tea (would he were always as inoffensively employed); he supplies the race of Timkins (a thousand in number, all gentlemen of estates in land) with this article; and his profits, at ten pounds from each customer, amount to ten thousand pounds a year. From these profits Mr. Nokes, if he make true return, pays one thousand a year in income tax; with the other nine thousand he does various things; but, let us first pursue the income tax. Our pursuit is not very long; r, who is so short-sighted as not to per

ceive, that this income-tax is, in fact, paid by the race of Timkins, who, if commerce were put an end to, would, of course, get no more tea, and who would have the ten pound's a year in their pocket (supposing them to expend it upon nothing else), which now go to the making up of the income of our friend Nokes. But, as their income would still be the same, how would the government be able to make up for the loss of Nokes's income-tax? Why it would, to be sure, make such an addition to the income of the Timkinses as would render the total amount of the tax just what it was before; and, it cer tainly would make no difference at all to the race of Timkins, whether they paid ten thousand pounds a year in tax to the government, or in profits upon tea to Mr. Nokes.

-But, Mr. Nokes, who is a very liberal and spirited man, spends the other nine thousand a year of his income amongst tradesmen and servants and in largesses to the poor. Well! and if these nine thousands a year remained with the race of Timkins, would not they expend it, too, amongst their tradesmen and their servants and in largesses to the poor of their several neighbourhoods? They might not, perhaps, expend it precisely in the same way, in goods and in services of precisely the same sort; but, as no man but a madman attempts to hoard up his income, as it is, indeed, impossible for him so to do for any length of time, the race of Timkins would, by the end of the year, have expended, in one way or another, the whole of the nine thousand pounds, which, together with the former thousand paid in income tax, they before paid in tea profits to Mr. Nokes; and though Mr. Nokes and his family would be seriously affected by the change (for which one must feel some degree of regret), other trades and persons would derive the profits which he had lost; and, therefore, 'to say nothing about the total uselessness of the article in which he dealt, his ruin could not possibly diminish, either the source of taxation, or that of the income of tradesmen and agriculturists.But, Mr. Nokes's fine house and park and gardens and bot-houses and carriages, Would they ever have existed, had it not been for commerce? Certainly not. The race of Timkins would have scattered the profits of Mr. Nokes in a way so as to prevent its producing such effects; and, to those who see any degree of national power and security likely to arise from the use of silk instead of woollen, marbie instead of stone, fallow land instead of corn-fields, pine apples instead of cabbages and potatoes, coaches instead of waggons and carts, French

valets instead of English labourers; to all such persons the decline of Mr. Nokes's commerce must, I allow, be matter of deep regret.Now, the doctrine which I am endeavouring to maintain, is, I think, by this illustration, made as clear as noon day. There will be enough to differ from me in opinion, and I shall be ready to convey their arguments to the public; but, I beg leave to request them, before hand, not to state, as something new, objections which I have myself anticipated, and endeavoured, at least, to answer; because, if they should do this, I must reject their communications, it being quite preposterous to suppose, that I can waste my time and weary the patience of my readers with a repetition of what I have already advanced. I would further beg of someone of those who may differ from me, to confine himself entirely to what has here been said about Mr. Nokes and the race of Timkins; and, generally, I would beseech those, who may honour me with their thoughts upon this important subject, not to expect to produce conviction in my mind by a display of fine high-sounding phrases about "commercial " opulence; emporium of commerce;

capital, credit and commerce." I say, that, I am of opinion, that all these tend to weaken, rather than strengthen our country; tend to produce her subjugation, rather than to preserve her independance; and that, therefore, I see their approaching cessation with pleasure, rather than with sorrow. reasons for this opinion and for this feeling I have given and shall give; and, if I am answered at all, I will be answered with reaSons, and neither with declamatory phrases, nor with appeals to the opinions of others.

My

-We now come to the SECOND OBJECTION, which is, " that, if commerce, that "is to say, trade with foreign nations, were "put an end to, we should not be able to "obtain certain articles, which are of the "first necessity, especially such articles as "are required in the building and the rigging

and the fitting out of ships."——I shall first, as before, give Mr. Spence's answer to this objection, and then add such remarks as appear to me likely to be useful."It will be said, that though we might give

up some of the luxuries which we import, without great inconvenience, yet, a very "large portion of what we import, is absolutely necessary to us, and could not be done without." This may appear, at first glance, to be the case; but if any one "will examine a list of our imports, he " will be surprised to find how few of the *.articles we get from other countries, are necessary even to comfortable and luxu

66

"rious existence; and of how comparative"ly small value these are, when compared "with the immense amount of what we

consume. We could not well do without "some of the drugs used for dying and for "medicine; we should want olive "ol, perhaps, in the preparation of our "woollen cloths; saltpetre (if we bad not "the art of the French chemists, to form it "from its principles) for our gunpowder; "turpentine, and the various denominations "of wood, of which we do not grow enongh "for ourselves. Of all the rest of our imports, I can see scarcely one, that we might not very well do without, or find "fully as valuable succedaneums for, from our own productions. Barilla, Turkey car pets, China ware, silk, fruit of all kinds, grocery of every description, (except per haps, pepper), bar iron, linen of all kinds, "skins of every sort, tar, in fact every thing "besides the articles which I have pointed out "(which no power on earth could hinder us "from obtaining, and of which a few car"goes of broad cloth would annually pur"chase all we can possibly have occasion "for), seem by no means necessary to us. "Some may be of opinion, that we could "not do without hemp, flax, and tallow, "which we import from Russia; but there

seems no reason why we might not grow

a sufficient quaintity of the two former "articles for our consumption; and whale "oil, of the fishery producing which we "have a monopoly, will always abundantly

supply us with the means of obtaining

light, if our own produce of tallow "be insufficient With respect to hemp, "it is infinitely desirable, that we should "raise as much in our own country, as "would be sufficient, at least, for the sup

ply of our navy; and probably no mode "of effecting this, would be equal to the prohibition of its importation, which "would at once create a demand for it, "adequate to raise its price to the point, at "which land could in this country be pro"fitably devoted to its cultivation. The "bounties already allowed for effecting this

end, deemed by the legislature so im"portant, are evidently inadequate to its accomplishment, since but little temp is

grown in this kingdom. It might cost "five or ten pounds a ton more, if pro"duced at home, than if imported from

Russia; but this difference, or twice this "difference of price, would be well sacri. "ficed for the sake of our being indepen "dent of the world for this article, so "essential to the existence of our navy, "We are now at peace with Russia, and it

"is to be hoped, may long continue so; “but if another Emperor Paul ascend the "throne, or if we have a quarrel with this, "or with any future sovereign, we shall lie "entirely at his mercy: for, without cord66 age, we cannot have ships, and at present "all our hemp is received from Russia. "In fact, until we grow as much of this "article as is sufficient for the use of our navy, it is perfectly idle to talk of our "being an independent maritime power. "It need not be apprehended, that we "could not spare the quantity of land re

quired for the cultivation of hemp and "fax. About six acres of land are re"quired for producing a ton of flax, and "five acres for a ton of hemp; so that, sup"posing we consume 10,000 tons of the "former, and 40,000 tons of the latter, "which is quite as much as we do consume, "it would require only 260,000 acres to be "applied to the cultivation of these articles:

an extent which we can very well spare "out of the twenty-two millions of acres "of waste land which are to be found in "Great Britain. All the hemp, however,

requisite for the independence of the navy, might be raised from 20,000 acres ; "and if, after the narrow escape we once "had of being excluded for years from "Russia; and after the possibility which

or fo be wished, that we should give up "the consumption of all the foreign commo. "dities, which we import, except the few "above enumerated as particularly essential 68 to us. Ail that I assert, is, that by far "the greater part of what we import, we "could do very well without, and conse

quently, that in every point of view, "whether considered as sellers or as buyers, we are independent of commerce." Of turpentine, pitch, and the various denominations of wood, of which we do not grow enough for the use of our navy (for all others we could do without), we can always, at a little additional expence, obtain an abundance, even from those parts of America, which are unsettled, or, at any rate, in those parts, where no power yet

upon the earth would be able to prevent us from obtaining them, we having a decided superiority of maritime force. We now la zily obtain the greater part of what we consume of these materials from the continent of Europe; and this is the effect of commerce; but, supposing it possible that a complete exclusion should exist for years, in Europe, the North of America opens and tenders her inexhaustible stores of turpentine, pitch,. masts, yards, and ship timber of every de scription. So, that here is no difficulty in the way of a nation, situated as we are, if under wise and courageons rulers. These materials would cost more than they now cost; but, what would that be to a nation just released from the burthen of supporting the East-India commerce, which now draws from the land and the labour of England millions annually? As to hemp, where is there any difficulty in obtaining it? The whole that the nation would want might be grown by the year after next. Only apply to this purpose the amount of the sinecure places and pensions, and you will not only have hemp enough for yourselves, but enough to supply one half of the world, if that were desirable. But, the land! how can we spare the land?" I am not much for a talk about new enclosures, which, in general, are wild schemes; bct, I am well satisfied, that, if the already-enclosed-land were cultivated here as the land is in Flanders, we should have enough for wheat and for hemp and flax besides, and a great deal yet to spare. The reason why it is not so well cultivated here, is, that so large a por tion of the population is taken up in manufactures; these being somewhat diminished, as they would be by a cessation of commerce, there would be, very soon, a great improvement in the cultivation of the land. land, in its natural state, bears, generally speaking, but little. The first thing necessary is labour. From labour comes an increase of produce. From an increase of preduce comes, in various ways, manure. From manure comes an addition to the increstidi produce. And so on; not forgetting, that, with the increase of produce, or subsistence, men, the hands to labour, do also necessarily increase. Having, then, an addition "o our labour ready at hand, we have nothing to do but to give it a proper direction. "A law is not required. Only let hemp and Aax cease to be imported, and you will's ba see, that those, who are now employed making cloth and cutlery to be sentabrdu to be exchanged for hemp and flar, wil be busily engaged in the tillage of the plants frean which those materials are drawn; and, that,

The

to that nursery of seamen, commerce?" "There is no absolute necessity, I reply, "that our navy should ever be dismantled,

"or our seamen ever disbanded. Other na"tions think it necessary, to keep a stand"ing army in time of peace. We, if we

"

"

"

were to lose our commerce, might main"tain a standing navy; and a fertile ima gination may easily conceive and point out, abundance of important and rational occupation for snch a fleet, even when "not engaged in war. It may indeed ad"mit of doubt, whether it would not be "politic for this nation, even if she had more extended commerce than she has,. constantly to maintain a fieet in time of peace; and, in fact, it would be madness in the present state of Europe, not to do so. "Let it be considered also, thas we shall,at all " events retain our coasting trade, and that "this trade is of as much importance, as all our other branches of commerce collectively, as a nursery for seamen.' -To hear some people talk about the necessity of commerce in order to create sailors for our ships of war, one would almost imagine, that they regarded merchant ships as the females, or breeding ships, of our navy. Sailors, if they enter grown men, may as well enter at once, as thousands of them do, into ships of war, where they will learn their business much sooner and better than on board of merchant ships; and, why boys should not be taught on board of men of war, as well as on board of merchant ships, I should be glad to know the reason. "But, on board the merchant ships, they are always at hand, in cases of emergency." This would imply, that merchant ships are always in port. Some of them are; but there is a much greater number that are not; and, of course, all the seamen, on board of them, are not at hand in cases of emergency. There is one thing, however, which seems to be completely forgotten by all those who raise the objection whichI am here combating, namely, that a very considerable portion of our ships of war, and, of course, our seamen, are, during every war employed, not in defending the country or in assailing the enemy, but in defending commerce. Nay, I believe, that, at this moment more than one half of our astonishing maritime force is employed in objects, which, well examined into, will clearly appear to be purely commercial; and, we have proved, over and over again, that commerce adds nothing, does in nowise contribute to the real wealth or power of the nation. Commerce a nursery, indeed, of British seamen!

Go, examine the dismal returns from our ships stationed in the East or West Indies, and you will say, that commerce is their grave. It is on board of our coasting vessels; the vessels which carry things from one part of these islands to the other; it is on board of our vessels kept at home, that seamen are raised. This has always been the nursery for British seamen, and from this nursery the graves of foreign climates are fed, and that, too, cwing exclusively to commerce. These vessels unlike those employed in foreign commerce, are always within reach of our ships of war; their crews are ready upon every emergency; and, from the nature of the trade in which they are engaged, they are readily replenished. with hands.From this view of the matter, it is evident, I think, that the dread of losing our sailors with our foreign commerce is a mere bugbear, and, like all the other subjects of alarm, which we have noticed in the course of these observations, has arisen from the erroneous notions respecting the importance of commerce, so long and so industriously inculcated from the press, the bench, the senate, the pulpit, and the throne.

"And who are you," as the Attorney General, now Chancellor of the Exchequer, said of me, in Latin, when he was pleading against me, in the Court of King's Bench; "Who are you, that presumes to "tell us we are all in error?" Why, what signifies it who I am? The only question is, am I right? If I am not, overset my arguments, and shew the world that I am wrong. Neither your Latin nor your gown nor your wig will weigh aught against these arguments, any more than against the decrees or the sword of Buonaparté-I can easily excuse an erroneous way of thinking, upon subjects connected with commerce, seeing that, for a long time, I regarded commerce as the life-blood of the nation. The state of things has made me reflect; it has set me to thinking upon the cause of my country's danger and the means of her salvation; and the result of that reflection, as far as relates to commerce, is that it is injurious in place of being, as is generally thought, beneficial to the country-Viewing commerce in this light, with what indifference might we behold the attempts of Buonaparte to ruin us, by such means as he is adopting, and as our wise ministers are working, tooth and nail to counteract! There are several countries, under the control of France, which are dependent upon commerce for their means of subsistence. was, therefore, very right to put a stop to their commerce; but, even that should Lave

It