cation; but, I assert, that they have not been kept alive in England even by those patriotic orations, which it would be irreverend in any one, who has heard, to compare with such bickerings; and, therefore, à fortiori, such bickerings never could keep them alive, although the necessity of a theory for defending them, might be well calculated for keeping the Edinburgh Reviewers alive! An undeniable evidence of the fact of this -spirit and intelligence in the public, not having been kept alive by these orations, is afforded in the very unfortunate attempt itself before us, of the Edinburgh Reviewers, to prove that they would be kept alive! For, I appeal to a great authority-I appeal to a name, which will survive the forms, as it has already survived the theory of our constitution, whether the presumptuous proposition of such doetrines on the part of the factious literary supporters of a set of eminent public men, themselves the candidates for public confidence, be not a satisfactory proof, that the "intelligence and spirit" of the people of England exist no longer!! In the solemn-affecting "dedication" of his labours" to the English nation," Junius, says, "when kings and ministers are for gotten, when the force and duration of "personal satire is no longer understood, "and when measures are only felt in their 66 remotest consequences, this book will, I "believe, be found to contain principles "worthy to be transmitted to posterity." A little further. "Be assured that the laws "which protect us in our civil rights, grow out of the constitution, and they must "fall or flourish with it." Again, “I cannot doubt that you will unanimous"ly assert the freedom of election, and "vindicate your exclusive right to choose " "ble as ever they were, although they were "mostly composed of persons chosen by "lot, or by rotation from the individuals of 66 a certain fortune and education in each of "the counties." This is good: but is, I think, rather inferior to the mode of appointing to offices in Lagado, mentioned in Swift's Voyage to Laputa; and, as the Travels of Mr. Gulliver, are not in every body's "hands." I will transcribe the passage for the gratification of the curious. To keep "senators in the interest of the crown,” (for the same laudable object appears to be common to both)" it was proposed that the "members should raffle for employments, 66 every man first taking an oath, and giving "security that he would vote for the court, "whether he won, or no; after which the "losers had in their turn the liberty of "" raffling upon the next vacancy." The raffling plan has certainly the most merit. 1st. On account of its originality. 2d. On account of its securing, by a previous precaution, the candidates in the interest of the crown; and at no expense to the country. This contrivance, antecedent, or subsequent, seems to be thought indispensable to any plan, whether by raffle, "lot, rotation," or otherwise: and is the grand secret and device for giving the members of our legisla ture, that so desirable (p. 112 Edinburgh Review) " greater sympathy and mutual "contact in their proceedings," for avoiding "those curative and vindictive checks," for " modifying the measures of government "in their concoction" (same page), "for "the effect of placing in that House a mul" titude of members devoted to the support of the public functionaries for the time, "and of the views and interests of most of "the great families in the kingdom!" (p. 413), for making the several elements of our legislature coquet with and smile at each other, rather than "overawe and frown at "each other from their separate orbits;" for the advantage of "prodigiously softening the collision and shock of the three "rival principles;" for "converting those "sudden and successive checks into one rc your representatives!" More might be taken, but this is enough. Let the reader compare these pictures of the constitution; this drawn by Junius ;-that by the Edinburgh Reviewers; and if he has himself a spark of spirit and intelligence" left, he will to the one, contemptuously exclaim, "this is my father;" to the other, exultingly, "this was my father!" But, he will scarcely have exulted in the comparison, before his pride will be checked by the reflection, that the spirit of this father is filed!! For to a nation possessed of intelligence "and spirit," such a critical theory, in violation of all the wisdom and glorious strug-plishing all these useful purposes, than the gles of their ancestors, could not, by any conceivable degree of wrongheadedness have been promulgated.--But, to the Review. We come now (p. 410) to a very pleasant passage, "We cannot help thinking that our parliament would be as useful and valua 66 gulating and graduated pressure; "thus making" their operation infinitely more smooth "and manageable;" also, for preventing those comical " jirks and bounds" (p. 414) of the political barouche. Nothing, it is obvious, can be better contrived for accom precaution of giving the security in question, which I am, therefore, greatly surprised the Edinburgh Reviewers should have omitted; seeing the discovery to have been so very simple, and shewing as they have done, with great strength of reason, that the royal throne could not be supported without corruption; probably, because that positive, confident, restive temper, which virtue infuses into a man, is a perpetual clog to public business. 3dly. I approve more the raffling plan, because there is something so fair in its allowing the losers to raffle again on a vacancy, which, as their friends threw unluckily at the last raffle, would appear to be the very object which the Reviewers are driving at; and, therefore, one is the more surprised at their omitting it. One objection indeed, and but one, I see to the raffle, which is, that should the country ever imbibe a "contempt for public characters," and be cursed by a bad government, it might render the people superstitious, who, in such a predicament, would naturally conclude, that the devil was in the dice! In defiance, however, of this last objection, should a raffe be resorted to, I positively stipulate on the part of the people for the performance of one condition, before the Whigs be again allowed to touch the dice; which is, that they do give solid security for their publicly abjuring and renouncing in their places, the corrupt, wicked, and damnable doctrine of the Edinburgh Reviewers; that they do banish the said Reviewers to Scotland, there to cultivate metaphysics, and do never again on any pretence employ them, as expounders of the English constitution! But, my critique is not yet concluded, whilst it is time to give place to other, though there cannot be more important, discussions. In treating this subject with a partial levity, I have bowed to the authority of the Roman Satirist : ridiculum acri of truth. Kilmainham Pensioners were not forgotten in the act which was passed in the late administration, for making better provision for soldiers." I refer the Veteran to 40th Geo. 3. c. 69. and 47th Geo. 3. session 2. c 5. unless he feel greater pleasure, which now and then, Mr. Cobbett, some people do feel, or find it couvenient to feel, in continuing in error, than satisfying himself that he has had no reason on the present occasion to complain.-Your regard for truth, will, I am sure, induce you to give this early insertion in your Register. -A YOUNG SOLDIER. 25th Oct. 1807. British Coffee House. DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS. BLOCKADE.Order of Council. From the Supplement to the London Gazette; dated Monday, November 16, 1807.At the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 11th of November, 1807; Present, the King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. Whereas certain orders, establishing an unprecedented system of warfare against this kingdom, and aimed especially at the destruction of its commerce and resources, were, some time since, issued by the govenment of France, by which "the British islands were declared to be in a state of blockade," thereby subjecting to capture and condemnation all vessels, with their cargoes, which should continue to trade with His Majesty's dominions. :-And whereas, by the same order, "ail trading in English merchandize is prohibited, and every article of merchandize belonging to England, or coming from her colonies, or of her manufacture, is declared lawful prize:"-And whereas the nations in alliance with France, and under her controul, were required to give, and have given, and do give effect to such orders:And whereas His Majesty's "Fortius et melius magnas plerumque secat res." whilst my natural feelings would have urged me to assume the language of sorrow, or indignation. Can there be a more mortifying thing, than to see the noble profes-order of the 7th of January last, has not sion of letters converted into a trade of political prostitution, to see wit and criticism perverted to the crooked ends of faction, and a contempt for the profound policy and generous courage of our ancestors, inculcated by the arbiters of taste and refinement. I am, Sir, &c.-J. C. Worthington.Southampton, Nov. 11, 1807. answered the desired purpose, either of compelling the enemy to recal those orders, or of inducing neutral nations to interpose with effect, to obtain their revocation; bnt, on the contrary, the same have been recently enforced with increased rigour:And whereas His Majesty, under these circumstances, finds himself compelled to take further measures for asserting and vindicating his just rights, and for supporting that maritime power which the exertions and valour of his people have, under the blessing of Providence, enabled him to establish and maintain; and the maintenance of which is not more essential to the safety and prospe rity of His Majesty's dominions, than it is to the protection of such States as still retain their independence, and to the general - in His Majesty's colonies, under circumstances in which such trade from such free ports is permitted, direct to some port or place in the colonies of His Majesty's enemies, or from those colonies direct to the country to which such vessel belongs, or to some free port in His Majesty's colonies, in such cases, and with such articles, as it may be lawful to import into such free port;nor to any vessel, or the cargo of any vessel, belonging to any country not at war with His Majesty, which shall have cleared out under such regulations as His Majesty may think fit to prescribe, and shall be proceeding direct from some port or place in this Kingdom, or from Gibraltar or Malta, or from any port belonging to His Majesty's allies, to the port specified in her clearance; -nor to any vessel, or the cargo of any vessel, belonging to any country not at war with His Majesty, which shall be coming from any port or place in Europe which is declared by this order to be subject to the restrictions incident to a state of blockade, destined to some port or place in Europe be intercourse and happiness of mankind :His Majesty is therefore pleased, by and with the advice of His Privy Council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that all the ports and places of France and her Allies, or of any other country at war with His Majesty, and all other ports or places in Europe, from which, although not at war with His Majesty, the British flag is excluded, and all ports or places in the colonies belonging to His Majesty's enemies, shall from henceforth, be subject to the same restrictions in point of trade and navigation, with the exceptions hereinafter-mentioned, as if the same were actually blockaded by His Majesty's naval forces, in the most strict and igorous manner: And it is hereby further ordered and declared, that all trade in articles which are of the produce or manufacture of the said countries or colonies, shall be deemed and considered to be unlawful; and that every vessel trading from or to the said countries or colonies, together with all goods and merchandize on board, and all articles of the produce or manufacture of the said countries or colonies, shall be captured, and condemn-longing to His Majesty, and which shall be ed as prize to the captors. But although His Majesty would be fully justified, by the circumstances and considerations above recited, in establishing such system of restrictions with respect to all the countries and colonies of his enemies, without exception or qualification; yet His Majesty, being nevertheless desirous not to subject neutrals to any greater inconvenience than is absolutely inseparable from the carrying into effect His Majesty's just determination to counteract the designs of his enemies, and to retort upon his enemies themselves the consequences of their own violence and injustice; and being yet willing to hope that it may be possible (consistently with that object) still to allow to neutrals the opportunity of furnishing themselves with colonial produce for their own consumption and supply.; and even to leave open, for the present, such trade with His Majesty's enemies as shall be carried on directly with the ports of His Majesty's dominions, or of his allies, in the manner hereinafter mentioned: -His Majesty is therefore pleased further to order, and it is hereby ordered, that nothing herein contained shall extend to subject to capture or condemnation any vessel, or the cargo of any vessel, belonging to any country not declared by this order to be subjected to the restrictions incident to a state of blockade, which shall have cleared out with such cargo from some port or place of the country to which she belongs, either in Europe or America, or from some free port on her voyage direct thereto; but these ex- Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, Cvent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall Mall, VOL. XII. No. 22] LONDON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1807. [PRICE 10D. I'will go a little further in this way, and say, that were the French to succeed in seizing all the English goods and property in every part and place in Europe, and, were they to prevent such goods from being "sent thither in future, I do not believe that it would, even in the smallest degree, tend to disable Eng"land either for the defending of herself, or the annoying of her foes."--POLITICAL REGISTER, 6th Dec. 1806. 833] SUMMARY OF POLITICS. "PERISH COMMERCE" (continued from p. 824)There are thuce objections, usually urged against those, who, like me, contend, that commerce is of no service to this country.- -FIRST, that, by the cessation of commerce, would be thrown out of employment a great number of persons, who now subsist by commerce, and, particularly, a great number of men, women, and children now employed in the manufacturing of goods for exportation.-SECOND, that, if commerce, or trade with foreign nations, were put an end to, we should not be able to obtain certain articles, which are of the first necessity, especially such articles as are required in the building and the rigging and the fitting out of ships.-THIRD, that, as the mercantile marine is the nursery of seamen for our ships of war, if commerce cease, the mercantile marine ceasing, of course, along with it, this nursery is destroyed, and, in a short time, though we shall have ships of war, we shall have no sailors. In answer to the first of these objections, Mr. Spence has the following passage. "All sudden changes in the system upon which a country has been accustomed "to act, must be productive of some incon"venience; and there can be no doubt, "that the loss of any extensive branch of our export commerce, world for a while "be heavily felt, by that proportion of the "manufacturing class, which had been em ployed in fabricating goods for that par"ticular market. (We may observe, hy "the by, that the sticklers for the impor"tance of commerce, do not particularly "lament the loss of it, because of the inconvenience which such a revolution occa"sions to a large body of people, but be-. cause of the diminution of national "wealth which they fallaciously fancy ensues. The remedy, however, for this evil, "is in our own hand. When, in consequence of the caprice of one nation, or the envy of another, the export of our "manufactures is 'materially lessened, we "have but to lessen our imports propor upon our hands the two or three millions' "worth of woollen cloths, &c. which they "have been accustomed to buy of us, we "have but to prohibit the importation of tobacco, and the other articles which we get of them, and we shall speedily see "them upon their knees, requesting us to "let things go on in their old train. And "the consumers in this country, who will "then save the money they had before "wasted in tobacco, have but to expend "the sums so saved, in a new coat or two "additional for each of them, and our "manufacturers will not be sensible of the "change, nor have occasion to regret, the 66 substitution of a British, for an Ameri can, market. If Baonaparté succeed in "his paltry scheme of preventing our trade "with the Continent, a scheme which abundantly evinces the miserable littleness "of his views on matters of political eco nomy; we have but to abain from im"porting a proportionate quantity of the "luxuries we indulge in; to increase our consumption of home manufactures, and, far from being diminished, .our wealth will be increased, and the prosperity of "our manufacturers no ways affected by "this master-stroke of policy, as its sage "author doubtless deems it.--It may be urged, that though this plan, if acted upon, might answer the proposed end, "yet it does not follow, that our consumers "would be inclined to expend the money "with which they had been used to pur chase foreign luxuries, in articles which "they could scarcely be likely to want, even though they were prevented from obtaining these luxuries; and consequently, if this were not done, that great dis"tress would unavoidably ensue, amongst "the manufacturers of exports, from the loss of their market. It must be allowed, "there is some force in this objection, "when we recollect, that serious incon"venience has sometimes ensued, to parti"cular branches of the manufacturing "class, employed in fabricating goods for "home consumption, when, by the caprice "of fashion, a total cessation of demand "for their manufacture has taken place; as "in the case of the button and buckle "manufacture, &c. But admitting the "force of this objection, still a remedy for *this evil may be found. In all such cases, agriculture; and, as I observed in a former article, the land always calls for hands, and always yields a grateful return. After all, however, it is not to be doubted, that there would be many persons, who would fall upon the parish in consequence of such a change as is here contemplated, and that the augmentation to the poor rates would be partial; but, it would be necessary that it should be so; because that would be the only means of effecting a dispersion of the persons now congregated together by the calls of export commerce; and, if the poor-rates were ang mented, in some degree, the other taxes would be diminished by the same cause, commerce being one of the greatest drains upon the land and the labour, as has been proved in the case of the East India territory and its inseparable and never-ceasing wars. -Mr. Spence's scheme of employing the ousted manufacturers upon "works of public utility" he has not, I am sure, duly con the government of the country should interfere; and these are perhaps the only "instances in which it should interfere in "matters of trade. It seems only just, "that every industrious branch of the com"munity should be protected from extreme "misery, consequent upon sudden changes, "like those in question; and it certainly "can never be right, that the parishes ofsidered; or else he would have perceived, any particular town or towns, where any "branch of manufacture fails, should bear "the whole burden of supporting those "who are thereby thrown into distress. "Whenever, then, any large body of the "manufacturing class is deprived, whether by the caprice of fashion in our own country, or by our quarrels with other nations, "of the usual market for their manufac "tures, it seems proper, that the state "should support them, employing them in "works of public utility, such as making "roads, canals, &c. until, by the gradual "demand for bands, from old branches of "industry, or the institution of new ones, "there is found for them independent and profitable employment. By this plan, "the temporary inconveniencies, insepara"ble from a system of policy, in which ma"nufactures form a prominent feature, is "borne, as it ought to be, by the whole "community, and not by a single portion "of it."I, for my part, see no necessity for any charge upon the national revenue, for the purpose of making work for manufacturers thrown out of employment by a cessation of export commerce. For, let things alone to work their own way, and the consequence wifi be, not that manufacturers will, perhaps, become agricultural labour ers; but, that they will, indirectly, add to that class, by filling, at the side-board, at the back of coaches, in the ranks of the army, and elsewhere, the places now filled by persons taken from the agricultural population. Manufacturers would not, all at once become expert ploughmen, but they would soon learn to do many things appertaining to that that was the most effectual way of preventing them from finding out new sources of livelihood. To make work for people is to war against nature as well as common sense; and when this is done by a nation, and that too with a view of preventing a part of its people from being miserable, it is a mark of downright insanity. Let us try it a moment. "Works of public utility" Mr. Spence talks of. Has the nation not already every thing that it wants? As fast as its wants, in the way of roads and canals, increase, does it not, in its own natural mode, take care to provide them? And, does not the provision keep an exact pace with the want? Surely it does, and always will, Aye, but, supposing a canal, for instance, not to be necessary; yet, if the money "expended upon it go to support ousted "manufacturers, who would otherwise be upon the parish books, it is a good to "make such a cal" No more a good than it would be to give the ousted manufacturers money for throwing stones against the wind; and, it would have this mischie vous effect, that, while the present cost of maintaining them would be the same, or greater, than if they were upon the parish books, it would be much more durable; because, in the latter case there would be much more powerful motives for the finding out of new sorts of employment.This idea of making work for people Mr. Spence has certainly borrowed from that wise practice of the parliament of making work for the peo ple in Scotland, where, however, (observe it well!) it is not pretended, that any branch of manufactures has failed, that any want of |