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sawed in various parts, and suffered to fall over.—On a review of the whole, I think it may be asserted, without derogating from the merit of any former service, that the characteristic activity of British officers, seamen, and marines, was never more zealously exerted than on this occasion; but I must not omit, at the same time, to inform their lordships, that a very considerable proportion of the labour of the arsenal has been performed, with equal zeal and energy, by large working parties from the army, whose exertions entitle them to the same praise — I beg leave to express the great satisfaction I have felt from the zealous and attentive services of Rear Admiral Essington, to whom the general superintendance of the numerous transports, and the re-embarkation of the army, with all its artillery and stores, has been committed.—I embrace this opportunity to make a particular acknowledgment of the very able and judicious dispositions which Rear Admiral Keats has made, from time to time, of the force under his command, for guarding the Belt; and the vigilant attention which his whole squadron have
paid to this important branch of the service.
—Sir Home Popham has not ceased to manifest his usual zeal and ability in the assistance he has rendered me in the various ser vices of the fleet; and I should not do justice to the diligent attention and arduous endeavours of Captain Mackenzie, to fulfil the civil duties of the arsenal, which were committed to his management and superintendance, if I did not, on this occasion, express my warm approbation of his exertions, and I beg leave to recommend him to their lordships' favourable notice.—I have the honour to transmit here with a list of the Danish ships and vessels which have been brought away, and of those destroyed. The account of the stores shipped from the arsenal shall also be sent, as soon as the several returns can be collected and arranged.—I have the honour to be, Soc. (Signed) J. G.AM bit R. —[The list of the Danish ships will be found at p. 480.] ITALIAN STATEs.—Order for issuing Letters of Marque against the Italian States under the influence of France. Given at the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 4th Nov. 1807; present, the King's Most Ercellent Majesty in Council. Whereas France has taken forcible possession of certain territories and ports in Ita
ly, and in the Mediterranean and Adriatic
seas, and has subverted their ancient goverrments, and erected, in the room thereof, new governments, which, under her influence,
are aiding in the execution of her hostile designs against the property, commerce, and navigation of his Majesty's subjects; and whereas divers acts, injurious to the just rights of his Majesty, and to the interests of his kingdom, have in consequence been committed; his Majesty is pleased, by and with the advice of his privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that general reprisals be granted against the ships, goods, and inhabitants, of the territories and ports of Tuscany, the kingdom of Naples, the port and territory of Ragusa, and those of the Islands lately composing the Republic of the . Seven Islands, and all other ports and places in the Mediterranean and Adriatic seas, which are occupied by the arms of France or her allies,
so that as well his Majesty's fleets and ships,
as also all other ships and vessels that shall be commissionated by letters of marque or general reprisals, or otherwise, by his Majesty's Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain, shall and may lawfully seize all ships, vessels, and goods, belonging to the said territories, ports, and places, or to any persons being subjects or inhabitants thereof, and
bring the same to judgment in such Courts'
of Admiralty within his Majesty's dominions, as shall be duly commissionated to take cognizance thereof; and, to that end, his Majesty's Advocate General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty, are forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same to his Majesty at this Board, authorising the Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral, or any persoa or persons by them empowered and appointed, to issue forth and grant letters of marque and reprisals to any of his Majesty's subjects, or others whom the said commissioners shall deem fitly qualified in that behalf, for the apprehending, seizing, and taking, the ships, vessels, and goods, belonging to the said territories, ports, and places, or to any persons being subjects or inhabitants thereof; and that such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have been usual, and are according to former precedents; and his Majesty's Advocate General, with the Advocate of the Aduniralty, are also forth with to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same to his Majesty at this Board, authorising the said commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral, to will and require the IHigh Court of Adinir lty cf Great Britain, and the lieutenant and judge of the said cout, his surrogate or surrogates, as also the several Courts of Admiralty within his M.jesty's dominions, to take cognizince of, and judicially proceed upon,
such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have been usual, and are according to former precedents; and they are likewise to prepare, and lay before his Majesty at this Board, a draft of such instructions as may be proper to be sent to the Courts of Admiralty in his Majesty's foreign governments and plantations, for their guidance herein; as also another draft of instructions for such ships as shall be commissionated for the purpose abovementioned. Eldon, C. Camden, P. Westmorland, C. P. S. Winchelsea. Cathcart. Hawkesbury. Mulgrave. Sp. Perceval. Nat. Bond. DeNMARK. Order for issuing Letters of Marque against Denmark. Given at the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 4th Nov. 1807; Present, the King's Most Excel. lent Majesty in Council. Whereas the King of Denmark las issued a Declaration of War against his Majesty, his subjects and people; and his Majesty's anxious and repeated endeavour to ob
tain the revocation of such declaration, and
to procure the restoration of peace, have proved ineffectual; his Majesty therefore is pleased, by and with the advice of his Priv
Council, to order, and it is hereby o that general reprisals be granted against the ships, goods, and subjects of the King of Denmark, (save and except any vessels to which his Majesty's license has been granted, or which have been directed to be released from the embargo, and have not since arrived at any foreign port,) so that as well his Majesty's fleets and ships, as also all other ships and vessels that shall be commissionated by letters of marque or general reprisals, or otherwise, by his Majesty's commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain, shall and may lawfully seize all ships, vessels, and goods, belonging to the King of Denmark, or his subjects, or others inhabiting within the territories of the King of Denmark, and bring the same to judgment in any of the Courts of Admiralty within his Majesty's doininions; and, to that end, his Majesty's
Advocate-General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty, are forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same to his Majesty at this board, authorising the commissioners for executing the of. fice of Lord High Admiral, or any person or persons of them empowered and appointed, to issue forth and grant letters of marque and reprisals to any of his Majesty's subjects, or others whom the said commissioners shall deem fitly qualified in that behalf, for the apprehending, seizing, and taking the ships, vessels, and goods §: to Denmark, and the vassals and subjects of the King of Denmark, or any inhabiting within his countries, territories, or dominions, (except as aforesaid,) and that such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have been usual, and are according to former precedents; and his Majesty's Advocate General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty, are also forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same to his Majesty at this board, authorising the said commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral, to will and require the High Court of Admiralty of Great-Bri. tain, and the Lieutenant and Judge of the said Court, his Surrogate or Surrogates, as also the several Courts of Admirally within his Majesty's dominions, to take cognizance of, and judicially proceed upon, all and all manner of captures, seizures, prizes, an reprisals of all ships and goods that are or shall be taken, and to hear and determine the same, and, according to the course of Admiralty, and the Laws of Nations, to adjudge and condemn all such ships, vessels, and goods, as shall bel to Denmark, or the vassals and subjects of the King of Denmark, or to any others inhabiting within any of his countries, territories, and dominions, (except as aforesaid;) and that such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have been usual, and are according to former precedents; and they are likewise to prepare, and lay before his Majesty at this board, a draft of such instructions as may be proper to be sent to the Courts of Admiralty in his Majesty's foreign overnments and plantations, for their guice herein; as also another draft of instructions for such ships as shall be commissionated for the purpose abovementionedC. Eldos, P. Campg|N, C. P. S. WestMoRLAND, WINCHElse A, CATncAkr, Hawkesbury, Mulgrave, Spss. PERCEval, NAT. Bond.
Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 73, Great à- Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, E.
SUMMARY OF POLITICS.
The niotto, which l have chosen for this sheet, will supply the place of a title to the article, upon which I am now entering, and which, I foresee, will be the only one, that I shall find room for in the present number. —The event, just happened in Portugal, has completed Napoleon's round of coast, and our set of enemies. I always thought what the expatriation project would come to; and I am very far from pitying any of those who have been deceived by it ; for, none but sheer fools ever gave credit to it, and none but sheer knaves ever pretended to give credit to it. The Prince Regent has out-witted the wiseacres. He has given proof that all the cunning is not possessed by either the English or the Hanoverians. He has played a clever trick; and, I dare say, he will obtain a comfortable settlement for it, which is, probably, all that he desires. The cares of government will be taken off his hands; he will have as much to eat and drink as he had before ; he will have as good a bed to sleep upon ; as good, or at least, very good, horses to draw him about; he will, in short, have all the enjoyments that he had before, without any of their concomitant vexations. Really a very happy change; a change to which many other persons, would, in all probability, have very little objection, except, perhaps, as it might deprive them of the privilege of
being dishonest, profligate, insolent, and
Napoleon's decrees, we shall still find an outlet for more of our manufactures than I think it good to export; but, there can be no doubt, that the affairs of commerce will experience great annoyance; that, in fact, there will be a great diminution in those gains, to which commercial men, generally speaking, have long been accustomed; and that, as a natural consequence, the profession of the merchant and manufacturer will become of less in portance than, for many years beretofore, it has been. We may, indeed, now say, that commerce will “perish ;” so that, what was regarded as a most impions wish in Mr. Windharn is about to be realized; and, the good of it is, that we find those who abosed him most (and that, too, for a wish that he did not utter) are now beginning to tell us, that we may see the wish accomplished without much dread. Time public will remember how often I have been reproached for speaking irre, erently of Sir Baalam ; and what curses the sons of Baalam bestowed upon me, when I told him that “the soldier was abroad,” and would, before he returned home and laid up his sword, have his share of the good things of the world. Baalam was in a rage at the prediction ; but, he will see it verified; and, what is more, he will find nobody to pity him. Pitt is gone, commerce, as the foundation of a system of politics, will soon follow him, and, let us hope that Englishmen will once more see their country something like what it formerly was.--I know, that there are many persons, very worthy persons too, who are somewhat shocked at this satisfaction, wirich I express at the prospect of a diminished commerce, which satisfaction they attribute to some spite that i entertain against commercial men . Boit, so far from entertaining any such spire. I owe great goodwill to ail the commercial men that I am personally acquainted with: ; and, though I am convinced, that commerce has been the great cause of our national decline, I attribute no banne to those engaged in commerce, the carrying on of which is, as to the persons concerned in it, just as laudable as the sowing of corn or the lanting of trees. It is the thing that dislike, and, if it has gained an undue go” 2
the fault has been solely with the government. There is one light, indeed, in which I have viewed commercial men with an evil eye; and that is, as the constant supporters and applauders of Pitt, whom I regard as the author of all the evils that we suffer and that we dread, and whose supporters, there1ore, it is impossible for me to like. My satisfaction at the prospect of a great diminution in our commerce arises from a conviction, long entertained, that such a diminution would be a great benefit to the country. This appears to be the time to obtain a patient hearing upon this important subject; and, therefore, I shall resume my extracts from Mn., SPEN ce's pamphlet, accompanied by such remarks as appear to me likely to be of use in producing a general conviction of the soundness of our doctrine. Before I proceed any further, however, I must beseech the reader to bestow a patient perusal upon these interesting extracts, and not hurry them over in a superficial way, which can be attended with no benefit whatever. This is a subject that requires thinking. Mr. Spence's pamphlet is the result of long and profound thinking, and it is not to be read like one of Pitt's speeches or Lord Wellesley's letters, that is to say, with a continual anxiety to come at the end. “ In this country, where commerce has been carried to a greater extent than in any other country of the same size, it is “ the opinion of almost all its inhabitants, “ that its wealth, its greatness, and its prosperity, have been chiefly derived from its “ commerce; and, that these advantages “ can be continued, and increased, only by its continuance and extension. these opinions, as far as they respect this country, are founded in truth, I cannot bring myself to believe, and I proceed to state the grounds of my conviction of “ their fallacy. As all commerce naturally “ divides itself into commerce of import and export, I shall in the first place, endeavour to prove, that no riches, no increase of national wealth, can in any case be derived from commerce of import; and, in the next place, that although national wealth may, in some
cases, be derived from commerce of “ export, yet, that Britain, in conse“ quence of particular circumstances,
“ has not derived, nor does derive, from
tion of those, who will dismiss from their mind the deep-rooted prejudices with which, on this subject, they are warped; and who, no longer contented with examining the mere surface of things, shall determine to penetrate through every stratum of the mine which conceals the grand truths of political economy.— Every one must allow, that for whatever a nation purchases in a foreign market, it gives an adequate value, either in money or in other goods; so far, then, certainly, it gains no profit nor addition to its wealth. It has changed one sort of wealth for
another, but it has not increased the amount it was before possessed of. Thus, when the East India Con
pany has exchanged a quantity of bullion with the Chinese for tea, no one will say, that this mere exchange is any increase of national wealth. We have gained a quantity of tea, but we have parted with an equal value of gold and silver; and if this tea were sold at home for exactly the same sum as had been given for it, it would be allowed, on all hands, that no wealth had accrued to the nation from this transfer. But, because goods, bought at a foreign market, and sold at home, have their value considerably augmented by the charge of transporting them, the duty paid to government, the profit of the merchant, importer, &c., it is contended, by the disciples of the mercantile system, that this increased value is so much profit to the nation; so much addition to the amount of national wealth. Thus, a quantity of tea, say they, which has cost in China 1000l. will, by the charges and profits which have occurred upon it, previous to its exposurs for sale in England, have its value augmented to 1500l. and will be sold for that sum at home. Since, then, the tea cost but 1000l., and it has been sold for 1500l., is not this 500l. an addition to national wealth 2 To this question, I answer, no ; certainly not. There is no doubt, but the persons concerned in this transaction have gained a profit, and have added to their individual wealth. The ship-owner has added to his wealth, by the freight of the tea ; the under-writer by his premiums of insurance upon it ; the government has increased the revenue by the duties of customs and excise; and the East India Company has
“ augmented its dividend by the profit gain“ed upon this article. But, the question * is, from whence have these profits of the “ ship-owner, the underwriter, the govern“ ment, and the East India Company been “ derived Have they not been drawn ‘‘ from the consumers of this tea ; and is it “ not as clear as noonday, that whatever the “ former have gained, the latter have lost : “ that the latter are exactly poorer in pro“ portion as the former are richer; and, “ in short, that a transfer, not a creation, “ of wealth has taken place. If this tea “ had been sold for 1000l., the bare sum “ which it cost, would the nation have been “ poorer, than if it were sold for 1500l. “ Certainly not. In this case, the consu“ mers of the tea would have kept in their “ pockets the 500l., which, on the other “ supposition, they transferred to the pock“ ets of the ship owner, the insurer, &c.; ‘‘ but the national wealth would be neither “ increased nor diminished. The same “ reasoning is applicable to all commerce of “ import. In every case, the value of an “ article is what it has cost in the foreign “ market, and whatever it is sold for, more “ than this, is a transfer of wealth from the “ consumers of the article to those who “ gain a profit by it, but in no instance is “ there any addition to national wealth crea“ ted by this branch of commerce. A “ gamester, who is not worth sixpence to“ night, may, by to-morrow, be possessed ‘‘ of 30,000l. which he has won from the “ dupes of his knavery ; but who would “ not laugh at him, that should imagine “ this transfer of individual fortune an ac“ cession of national wealth Yet this “ opinion might, with every whit as much “ justice, be maintained, as that the ho“ nourable profit of those concerned in im“ porting articles of merchandize is a crea“tion of national riches. *
The arguinents “ made use of to shew, that no national ** wealth is derived from cominerce of in)“ port, will serve also to shew the absurdity ‘‘ of their notions w \o talk of the impor“ tance of such and such branches of com“ merce, because of the great duties which “ are levied on them at the custom-house or ‘‘ excise office. Such reasoners will insist upon the vast value of our East India ‘ trade, because of the three or four mil“ lions which the public revenue derives “ from the duties imposed on the articles “’ imported from thence. They do not con‘ sider, that all such duties are finally paid ‘‘ by the consumers of the articles on which ‘ they are laid, and that these consumers ‘ are equally able to pay the sums they ad
“vance, whether or not they consume the articles on which they are levied. — Thus, an individual who annual. “ ly consumes 10l. worth of tea, con“ tributes to the revenue 4!. ;-but, surely, it is not essential to his capacity of contri“ buting this sum, that he should consume “ a certain quantity of tea yearly. Since “ he possesses funds adequate to the pay“ ment of 10l. for tea, if no duty were “ charged on this tea, and he could pur“ chase it for 6l., he would still be able to “ advance the additional 41. as a direct tax. “ Indeed, if he were entirely to cease con“ suming tea, , (though I do not advise that he should do so), and were to substitute in its place the equally nourishing, and far more wholesome beverage water, which he might have without cost, he would have the power of much more considerably contributing to the public revenue; for in that case, he might afford to pay, as a direct tax, the whole 10l. which he had “ been accustomed to spend in this luxury, and of which, before, 41. only went to “ the Exchequer, the remainder being divided between the Chinese, the ship“ owner, the East India Company, &c. On the same mode of reasoning, it would be “ preposterous to maintain, that he who “ can afford to drink a barrel of ale, on “ which the duty is 10s. could not afford to “ advance this 10s. without drinking the ale. “The fact is, that it is a convenient way of “ raising a revenue, to tax consumable arti“cles at the custom house, or the excise ‘‘ office; but, if the consumers of the arti‘‘ cles can afford to consume them loaded “ with taxes, they certainly can afford to “ advance these taxes, even though they did “ not consume the articles upon which they “ are levied ; and hence there is no necess“ sity whatever, that the articles in ques“ tion should be imported for the mere pur“ pose of aiding the revenue of the coun“ try.”—T his is so clear, that no remark of mine would be necessary; but, justice to myself urges me to show, that this reasoning is isot new, and that it was made use of by me long ago. I do not pretend to call Mr. Spence a plagiarist; but, I must show, that, contrary to his supposition, this doctrine has been, amongst many persons, pretty familiar for some time past; and, if he has read the Political Register, I have, I think, some little reason to complain of his want of due acknowledgetherit, as will, I am convinced, appear from a comparison of the extract just given with the following extract, taken from the Political Register of March 1st, 1806, Vol. IX. I age 308. There had been a co