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NOVEMBER 14, 1807.-On the Defence of Ireland.

ON THE DEFENCE OF IRELAND.

(Being Mentor's Third Letter} SIR;In my last letter, I in part proved the proposition, by explaining the effects of a successful invasion of Ireland, that "if Ireland is conquered by Buomparté,

England will also be conquered by him." I reserved for this letter the explanation of the dangers to which England would be exposed in consequence of the capture of IreInd. But, before I proceed upon it, I feel that it is necessary to state a few more facts respecting Ireland, in order that the capability of that country to promote the views of Buonaparté may be clearly understood. It is a cominon error among the people of this country to think, that Ireland is not larger than Yorkshire; and that the people of it are not more numerous than the inhabitants of Manchester or Birmingham; and under this false conception of the extent and population of Ireland, a notion is too generally indulged in, that let what will happen in Ireland, an English army is all that can ever be necessary to put down rebellion, or successfully to resist invasion. Now, Sir, will take the trouble of looking into the apif you dendix to Mr. Young's Tour in Ireland, the English edition, you will find that England and Wales contain 42 millions of acres, · statute measure, and that Ireland coutains 25 millions of acres of the same measure, and with this information you will be able to form a tolerably accurate idea of the extent of Ireland, if you take a map of England, and draw a line through Holyhead and London; for the portion of England and Wales lying to the southward of such a line, will be nearly equal in extent to that of Ireland. You will also be assisted in acquiring a correct notion of the length and breadth of Ireland if you will measure the distance from the Land's-end to York, which will give you the distance from the Giants' Causeway to Cape Clear; and if you will measure the distance from Yarmouth to Liverpool, which will give you the breadth of Ireland, between the Hill of Howth and Slince Head, in the county of Galway. As to the population of Ireland, it is computed, by Mr. Chaliners, to have been greater than 4 millions in 1788, and by Mr. Newenham to be greater than 5 millious in 1803. Many very intelligent persons consider it to be, at the present time, beyond 6 millions, grounding their opinions upon the cheapness aud salubrity of potatoe diet, and the great facility with which every man in Ireland ob tains a lease of a few acres of land. Now, Sir, the population of England and Wales being little more than 9 millions, it will ap

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pear then that Ireland is not only larger than one half of England and Wales, but has a population exceeding, in number, one half of the population of England and large an extent, and so populous, and the Wales. Conceive, then, a country of so people of it so much attached to France, and distant only a few miles from our shores, once under the rule of Buonaparté; and contemplate the consequences!!! This is the is; what Ireland would be if justly treated true way of considering what Ireland now by England; and what Ireland will be if once possessed by France: A country in exyond several independant kingdoms and tent, population, trade and revenue, far beprincipalities of Europe; not incapable of being herself an independent nation from ☛ want of any attribute that an independent nation ought to possess; but, preferring a state of dependance on England, with a view to secure her protection, and to obtain the benefits of her constitution: A country ready to go all lengths in supporting the struggles in which England is involved; but feeling that England has no claim upon the exertions of her sons, in consequence of the particularly, during the last 6 months, she policy with which for centuries, but, more has acted towards them: A country anxious only to have an opportunity of feeling sentiments of gratitude for favours, which oughtto be conferred, and to afford all the advan tages of her population in warding off the imminent dangers which now threaten England; but alive to injury and insult, and not averse to a connection with France, it her connection with England should prove merely a nominal and barren boon. this country was but a few weeks under the government of Buonaparte's marshalls, de-, pend upon it, Sir, the fate of England would be decided. England would have at once to be prepared against invasions from the coast Spain, and Ireland. The numbers of troops of Denmark, Holland, France, Portugal, that might be collected in either country would be so great, that it would be impracticable for the fleets and armies of England' ing; and even a landing of a small portion to prevent them from making good a landof troops would go a great way in securing conquest, notwithstanding the numbers and valour of the volunteers, and the inestimable blessings of the modern British constitution in church and state; for, what would become of the trade of England without a England without trade? And what would circulating mediam, and of the revenue of . England be if her revenue failed, but a bankrupt ruined and conquered. But if

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these events were not immediately to follow an invasion, what hopes can be entertained that the contest would terminate in favour of England? The points of the coast which would be exposed to attack would be so numerous, and the opportunities of attacking so frequent, that the army and spirit of England must in the end be worn out and overcome. Peace with France would be the only resource, and that upon Buonaparte's own terms. It would be made, and when time would have afforded an opportunity for reflection, it would then be deplored, that the value of Ireland had not been better understood, and the dictates of justice and sound policy listened to in time.It is really lamentable to reflect upon that blind policy which leaves Ireland exposed to conquest, when the operation by which she could be secured, and England placed in a state to defy France, is so simple and obvious. What do we want but the hearts of the people of Ireland to be with us, or on what can Buonaparté build his hopes of conquest, but apon our own folly in alienating them? But, Sir, the peculiar danger to which this country would be exposed in consequence of Ireland being conquered, does not consist in the additions which Buonaparte would be able to make to his armies, but in the opportunity which he would acquire of sending his armies through Ireland into England and Wales. That he would be able to send histroops to Ireland in defiance of the fleets of England, is proved by the numerous instances which have occurred of late years, of his ships having been able to go to the West Indies, to Egypt, and to Ireland without molestation. That he would be able to transport his troops with safety from Ireland to England is evident, from the short distance between the respective coasts, and from the known fact, that no ships can keep at sea in St. George's Channel in tempestuous weather; much less men of war and frigates, for which there is no port between Milford Haven and Scotland. The passage from Dublin to Holyhead has been frequently made in row boats. The fishing boats on the eastern coast of Ireland are alone sufficient in number to convey a very large body troops; but if these were not sufficient for his purpose, the fishing boats and small craft on the west, and some shore, boats might easily be collected in the several harbours between Cork and Waterford, and would afford the means of transporting an immense army. Yet, notwithstanding all this, are we doing every thing that lies in our power to promote Buonaparte's views in obtaining possession of Ireland. Bigoted and infatu

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ated nation, to see more dangers in the crucifix of an old man, called the Pope, than in the sword of Buonaparté: To be occupied in dreaming about your church being attacked by visionary armies of monks and friars; whilst your very existence as a nation is tottering before the threatened assault of your known and inveterate enemy! "Quem deus vult perdere prius dementat." But, God grant that the darkness which has obscured your intellects may yet fleet away, before more is done towards the completion of the decline and fall of the British empire! -I am, &c.-MENTOR.-Oct. 30.

SPENCE ON COMMERCE.

SIR; -The extract from Mr. Spence's pamphlet on Commerce, inserted in the last number of your Register, and there earnestly recommended to the attention of your readers, I have reflected upon with all that consideration which I am always disposed to bestow upon every work that has obtained the applause of one possessing so sound a judgment as yourself. It is impossible for me, however, to acquiesce in the proposition which it is the object of that extract to substantiate; that all the wealth of a nation is created by agriculture, none by manufac tures;" and, I shall, therefore, take the liberty of offering a few observations upon the subject. In order to be as brief as possible, I proceed at once to the example which Mr. Spence has adduced in the way of demonstration. "If a coachmaker were to em

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ploy so many men for half a year in the "building of a coach, as that for their sub"sistence during that time he had advanced 50 quarters of corn; and if we suppose "he sold this coach to a land proprietor for "60 quarters of corn, it is evident, that the "coachmaker would be ten quarters of corn richer, than if he had sold it for 50 quarters, its original cost. But it is equally clear, that the land proprietor would be "ten quarters of corn poorer than if he had "bought his coach at its prime cost." That a land proprietor who purchases for 60 quarters of corn a coach, the prime cost of which was 50 quarters ouly, would after such purchase be ten quarters of corn poorer, than if he had bought it at the prime cost; and that the coachmaker would be ten quarters of corn richer, than if he had sold the coach at such original cost, are propositions too grossly plain and self-evident, to be in any danger of being controverted! But, it is not quite so apparent, that they afford the slightest countenance to the doctrine, that "manufactures are no source at all of na"tional wealth." The deduction however,

which Mr. Spence draws from them is, that

a transfer, not a creation of wealth, has "taken place; whatever one gains the "other loses, and the national wealth is "just the same." Now, most certainly no creation of wealth hath arisen from the mere exchange or act of bartering the corn for the coach; for the best of all possible reasons, that the coach as well as the corn forined a part of that wealth, previously to any such exchange or transfer having taken place. Most certainly also, the coachmaker would gain the corn and lose the coach; whilst, on the other hand, the land proprietor would gain the coach and lose the corn by such a barter! But the misfortune is, that this deduction of Mr. Spence's does not, as it seems to me, comprehend the only point at issue, the only true question being whether BY THE MANUFACTURE of such a coach, no greater addition was made to the stock of wealth, than if it had not been manufactured at all? Mr. Spence's supposition seems to be, that inasmuch as the coachmaker receives for that coach an equal value in corn, by which he rennburses himself for the food advanced to the journeymen manufacturers and consumed by himself and family, during the period that the coach was building; therefore, it would be a mere transmutation of food, a wealth of a perishable nature, into a manufacture which constitutes a wealth more durable. And, that in consequence, “ no wealth could "with truth be said to have been brought "into existence by the manufacturer." But, how happened it that Mr. Spence overlooked the consideration, that the master and journeymen manufacturers, if they had not been employed in building the coach, must notwithstanding have eaten, and would, in point of fact, have consumed the same quantity of food? Had not the coachmaker by the industry of himself and servants, erected the coach for the land proprietor, one of these two events would have taken place-either the land proprietor's 60 quarters of corn would have passed into the bellies of those persons without his receiving any equivalent in return, or otherwise would have remained in his granaries to perish. But, the coach having been built, the land proprietor finds at the end of the year, that he has not only the land to produce him a crop in the succeeding year, but that his wealth is increased by the addition of the coach. Why, then, is it not most plain that the coach which constitutes that additional wealth, was BROUGHT INTO EXISTENCE by the manufacturer ?—It will be in vain to say, that if those artificers had not been so employed the land proprietor would, instead of the coach, have an ad

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dition to his wealth in the 60 quarters of corn, because, however plausible such an argument as between two individuals may to some persons appear, it will, I think, be seen from what I shall presently submit, that upon the more enlarged scale of the dealings of a nation, such an argument will not be thought by any person to hold good. Let me assume (for argument's sake) the population of a country to comprise one hun-, dred thousand persons, consisting in part of persons employed in agriculture, and in part of persons not so employed. Either the produce of the land would be more than suflicient to supply with food the whole of such population; or, would fall short of yielding an adequate supply; or, the produce of the land and the consumption of that population would be nearly equal. In the case first supposed-if there were a yearly superabundance-it is manifest, that it had better be exported in exchange for specie, or some foreign articles of use or convenience, than that it should remain in the country to perish; and it is equally manifest, that by such an accession of specie or foreign articles, the wealth of the country would be increased.— In the second case supposed-if there should be a yearly deficiency in the supply of corn at home-then it would obviously be good policy to promote as much as possible the fabrication of manufactures, and the importation of grain, or of specie wherewith to buy grain of other nations, in exchange for such manufactures. In the third case supposed, that is, taking the produce of the land to be just sufficient for the consumption of the people, without any deficiency or redundance then, inasınuch as there would be a considerable portion of the community not occupied in agricultural concerns, but who nevertheless, must subsist upon the produce of the land, it can surely require no arguments to prove, that it is more futing that they should be employed in the manufacture of useful articles, than live like so many idle drones. And to me it does seem obvious, that by such their manufactures they make an addition to the stock of individual, and consequently of national wealth, seeing that but for such manufactures the yearly produce of the land would be totally consumed, without any thing of wealth remaining to represent that yearly produce. But, in truth, there always would be manufactured by the class of artificers, a much greater number of articles than would be necessary to procure for themselves subsistence, by exchanging with the land proprietor for corn: who, then, will be bold enough to contend, that the manufac ture of such supernumerary articles, and te

sale of them to foreign nations for gold (which gold, Mr. Spence assures as, is undoubtedly WEALTH), or in exchange for necessaries, as tallow and barilla, for example, wherewith to make soap,-who, I ask, will be bold enough to assert, that no addition would, by such manufacturer, be made to national wealth? Aye, will Mr. S. perhaps exclaim, but in the case of the tallow and barilla, at least,-as, when the soap comes to be sold to the land proprietor, there will be given its value in corn for it, there is only a little more complexity in the case, and it will eventually turn out to be the same thing, as far as national wealth is concerned. as if the manufactures so exported had been sold to the proprietor of land for corn in the first instance. Now, Sir, I deny that the consequences would be the same; for, let it be remembered, that we are now speaking of articles of manufacture, for which, the land proprietor being already supplied, he has not the least occasion; and he would not have the useful article of soap at all, in exchange for a part of his corn, but for the industry and enterprize of the manufacturer, who exported his manufactures in exchange for the tallow and barilla--Then, Sir, as to the point, whether any addition would be made by such manufacture and traffic to the wealth of the nation :-and it does appear to me to be indisputable, that the national wealth would thereby be increased to the full amount of the value of the tallow and barilla; for the owner of those raw articles is the manufacturer, who has already obtained from the land proprietor, in exchange for certain articles sold to him, sufficient grain for the subsistence of himself and journeymen; so that, the produce of the laud, in exchange for those raw materials, would be to him of no service and such manufacturer would therefore receive from the soapmaker, for his tallow and barilla, either gold or silver, or some other kind of durable wealth; thereby adding to his own individual wealth, and, by consequence, to the wealth of that nation, of whose popu lation he makes one.-It may be admitted, that the soapmaker will receive from the land proprietor corn in exchange for his soap, but then there will not be required, for the subsistence of the soap-maker and his servants, so much corn as will amount in value to the full value of the soap; for, even supposing him to make no protit by the sale of the soap, yet he must at least reimburse himself the price paid for the raw material, in order to reinstate his capital by taking in exchange for some part of his soap something very different from food.Mr.

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Spence then comes to the consideration of the subject-Whether the employment of a circulating medium affects the creation of notional wealth. "The circulating medium of "civilised nations," he observes," is either gold and silver, or paper. GOLD AND SILVER ARE UNDOUBTEDLY WEALTH, yet they "are but a small portion of what has properly a claim to that fitle; and a nation which "has ABUNDANCE OF GOLD AND SILVER, is "in fact not richer than if it had NONE." -Really, Mr. Cobbett, it would be doing your readers a great kindness to explain this (to me inexplicable) paradox! You see, Sir, the gentleman tells us, that "gold and "silver are undoubtedly WEALTH;" but, only two lines below, asserts, that " "tion which has abundance of this same

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gold and silver is NOT RICHER than if it "had none !" That is to say: "a nation "which is wealthy is not richer than if it "had no wealth at all!" I would not com. plain of this most palpable contradiction, did it not prevent me from understanding what the meaning of Mr. Spence is, and thereby deprive me of the pleasure I should otherwise feel in grappling with his reasoning. "The nation has," Mr. Spence says,

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paid an equal value of some other wealth "for this gold and silver;" and therefore it is, I suppose, that Mr. Spence concludes, that from the presence of such gold and sil ver the nation is not richer. Why, yes, Mr. Spence, there is certainly something in your observation. Thus, in the case which I sup posed above, the manufacturers received for the supernumerary articles which they exported, gold and silver; but yet, perhaps, the nation was not richer after the exchange than it was after such articles were made, and before they were exported. But pray, Mr. Spence, recollect, that your argument against manufactures and commerce goes this length-that neither by the manufac tures exported, nor by the specie taken in exchange for them, was any addition made to the national wealth!-You, Mr. Spence, tell us, that there is no good reason why "the nation should be desirous of having "gold and silver, rather than any other species of wealth: for (say you) the only

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superiority in value which the precious "metals possess over other products of "the labour of man, is their fitness for be "ing the instruments of circulation and

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exchange." But, Sir, give me leave to ask you, does not that very superiority con situte A GOOD REASON why the nation should give the preference to gold and silver? The land, we will suppose, owing to an unfa vourable harvest, has not yielded its usual,

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and the expected quantity of good grain, but, if we possess an abundance of that universal medium, gold and silver, we shall be enabled to provide against the scarcity, by purchasing and importing corn from foreign countries. Is there not then, good Mr. Spence, a good reason way we should give preference to gold and silver? But, according to that gentleman, the necessity of having gold or silver as instruments of circulation and exchange, no longer exists. "Experience," he observes, has in modern times, evinced that paper or the promis. sory notes of men of undoubted property, "form a circulating medium fully as useful " and much less expensive." Now, there is no doubt but that the paper of individuals answers the purpose of specie within the limited circle, where the responsibility and the probity of those individuals are known; but who, besides Mr. Spence, would rank such paper as equal in convenience to gold and silver, which is current not solely within a limited circle, nor throughout the nation at large merely, but which constitutes the universal circulating medium of all civilized nations?-I now take my leave of Mr. Spence's observations on Commerce; at least for the present, still retaining the same opinion which I entertained before I perused those observations; that is, that the inherent wealth of every nation consists in the land, THE TRADE, and the industry of the people. Were the system, for which Mr. Spence is so strenuous an advocate to be adopted, the land-proprietors would be rendered complete bashaws, and the population of the country absoletely dependant upon them. Then, should we in our days, see what our ancestors of old saw-the main Ludy of the people were vassals to the great land-holders, and our country again over run and devastated by hordes from the more populous nations. Only destroy the commerce of the country, which is the nursery for our seamen, and you at the same time DESTROY THE NAVY OF THE COUNTRY. Then will you see the country sacked by Bonaparte and his hosts of Myrmidons! Then would the old Roast Beef song not alone sink into con tempt; but you might with equal justice jeer at and deride the national song of Rule Britannia!!-This Mr. Spence is, I warrant bim, a staunch stickler for "the Dominion of the Seas," and with most admirable consistency no doubt inveighs at the same time against commerce, although it is to that very commerce that we are indebted for THE MEANS OF SECURING THAT DOMINION: I too (as I believe you know Mr. Cobbett), am a zealous friend to our supporting the

DOMINION OF THE SEAS; but I should deein myself guilty of the most glaring contradiction, if I were not at the same time a friend to our manufactures and commerce, for, if I ever thought that, abstractedly considered, those manufactures and that commerce were rather prejudicial than of benefit to the country, still should I think it wise to cultivate rather than check their growth, being firmly convinced, that our naval greatness is inseparable from our commerce, and conse-` quently, that that commerce is OF VITAL IMPORTANCE to the country.-I am, Sir, yours,-W. H. WROC. New Square, Lincoln's-Inn, Nov. 10th, 1807.

SINKING FUND.

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SIR; Although your correspondent C. S. has proved to your satisfaction, that payment of the nation's debts by means of the sinking fund, must increase the taxes, depreciate money, raise the price current, ruin us all, sevenfold; I venture to suggest a doubt, that C. S's conclusions are not quite certain. C. S. (see Pol. Reg. Vol. xii. p. 445) states as the grounds of his argument, 1st. That agriculture and manu"factures have found their limit, or are in

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capable of extension. 2d. That the pre"sent capital in trade amounts to 100 mil"lions. 3d. That the funded debt amounts "to 600 millions." These three premises granted, he concludes that, "if the said "funded debt of 600 millions be discharged by means of the sinking fund, then the capital in trade will be increased to 700 "millions; the depreciation of money will "be in the proportion of seven to one "of its present value, and the effects "will be, &c. &c."--Sir, for the present I only venture to doubt, because, if one million be drawn out of the circulating capital of 100 millions, that capital is thereby reduced to 99; and if the sinking fund applies the said one million in discharge of so much of the debt of 600 millions, then is the debt reduced to 599, and the one million returned into the circulating capital which had been reduced by means of the tax to 99. Of course, it (the circulating capital) is restored to its previous total of 100 millions; but, I doubt if it be thereby encreased, or money thereby depreciated. Repeat the operation, draw one again out of the circulating capital so restored to its total, with that one so drawn out, pay off one more of the debt of 599 millions, then is the debt reduced to 598; the one million returned again to circulation, the circulating capital again complete, but not encreased. Had I the advantages of a Scotch education, I could

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