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the general election, a hundred new offices were to be distributed, and these inspectors of elections, for so they were in fact, were each to have pay and allowances, making the whole expence to the nation between 37 and 40,000l. a year for no advantage whatever ! This was the little beginning of these mighty enemies to patronage: more pure and unadulterated jobs never existed than these appoint“, ments."—— Thank you, my lord Howick | Thank you for this valuable declaration." It will do us great good, if we have but patience. To threaten the whole of the electors of a borough was a bold thing to be sure; and, I dare say, no such threats were necessary at Appleby, that fine free borough, which you have the honour to represent — Lord Howick was answered by Mr. Perceval, Chancellor of the Exchequer, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Clerk of the Irons, and reversioner of patent places, held by his brother, worth about £12,000 a year. This gentleman is

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reported to have said, that, “ another charge

“brought against ministers by the noble

lord was, that the influence of government had been exercised beyond all former erample, at the late election. He was con“ vinced, however, that no case could be produced parallel to what had been brought under the consideration of the last parliament, with respect to the Hampshire Election. The noble lord had instanced one case respecting Mr. Grogan, but this was the first he had heard of it; the noble lord had then stated, that it was notorious that 100 Inspecting Field Officers had been appointed to the volunteer “ force previous to the election, with a view to influence the electors. There might or might not be merit in the appointment of these officers, but his majesty's present ministers, when out of power, had recommended the measure, and now they were in office, they had adopted it. But the same officers that had been employed before were appointed, and they had not been appointed until after the election, and this was the measure which the noble lord had represented as an exercise of corrupt influence at elections beyond all former example. The noble lord appeared to him rather rash in his charge, and not to be acquainted with some of the acts of his colleagues: what would the house think of the nomination of 300, not inspecting, but surveying officers of tares, who could not be appointed either in law, or in fact, till an act of parliament should

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be passed to authorise the appointment 2 “What would they think of the designation “ of so many officers, previous to the election of that parliament which was to pass the act, which was to authorise the oppointment of these officers ? The appoint“ ment had not taken place, because the act had not passed, and there remained for “ the gentlemen opposite only to send lamentable letters of apology, where they “ had no longer the power to realise their “ engagements.”——From a mild compassionate gentleman, such as Mr. Perceval is, one might have expected something more humane than ridicule of 300 hungry wretches, gaping for plunder, as unfledged buzzards gape for their prey, and, just as it was reaching their mouths, seeing it snatched away for ever. According to his account, too, the prey had been paid for, or earned. The hard and dirty work was all performed. Had he no bowels, that he could ridicule wretches so treated? Did he, I wonder, reflect upon the number of “genteel families” that this non-fulfilment of articles would plunge into distress; upon the number of new shawls and dresses that it would leave unpaid for; upon the number of forte-pianos that it would reduce to silence; upon the number of routes that it would prevent; upon the number of lazy rascals that it would send to pauperize in some other way 2, Did he reflect on none of this? There seems, on the two sides, to have been a pretty equal balance of jobs. Mr. Grogan's is, I think, rather the strongest instance; but, then, the three hundred tax-gatherers surpass, without doubt, the one hundred inspecting field-officers. Both, I dare say, onght to be considered as equally useful to the country; but, all that the people have to remember is this, that, if the assertions of both parties are not false, one of the parties, at least, has made the appointments in question for the purpose, not of doing good to the country, but of getting votes on their side in the House of Commons. This is what the people have to bear in mind. In the next grand debate upon the subject of Jobs, Mr. Perceval was the assailant. The subject of discussion was the re-appointment of the Finance Committee; and, Mr. Perceval, in order to show, that it was necessary to have a good number of his friends upon that committee, said, that the conduct of the late ministry would require to be examined into. This let him easily into the subject of jobs, whereon he -proceeded thus:– “The late ministers had expressed “ themselves on the first appointment of “ the committee, very much averse to the

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of Customs in the port of Buenos Ayres,

** a place not then in the possession of his Majesty. These were reversionary grants ** to take place upon an uncertain contin** gency, and made by those gentlemen who “ appeared to be so nice on this subject. ** He had on a former occasion stated, “ without giving any opinion upon the pro“ priety of appointing such officers, the no“mination of 300 Surveyors of Tares. The “ nomination was founded on a representa** tion from the Commissioners of Taxes, “ made in March, 1806, but the appoint“ ment could not take place till the business “ was submitted to parliament. When the “ dissolution took place in October, without “ any sanction of parliament having been “ obtained for these appointments, the per“ sons were designated to the offices, in the “ way the noble lord had said on a former “ night: Members of Parliament waited on “ the minister, they were received civilly, and the promises made But the parlia“ ment met in December, and sat some “ months; the measure for sanctioning the ** appointment was not brought forward, “ and the hon. gentlemen opposite, when “ they lost the power of performance, were “ compelled to revert to the condoling let“ ters which he had before alluded to. This “ circumstance would induce the house not “ to place implicit or peculiar ccnfidence in

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“ those gentlemen who viewed every thing

“ in the same light with the late adminis“ tration. Another appointment made by “ the late administration, was that of Ga“ zette Writer created by patent for Scot“ land, with a salary of £300 per annum. ** This office had been before divided be“ tween the Editors of three Newspapers. “ He wished the hon. gent}emen to hear ‘‘ his statement, and to bear in mind that “ the business of the office was performed “ by these three persons, without any crpence to the public, though they made a profit of £200 a year by the publications * in their newspapers. These persons had “ been turned out of their employment, “ and an appointment by patent given to “ the present possessor; and he should ask “ whether any gentleman believed that this “ had been done with any other view than to give the place to that person 2 He “should not dwell in detail upon all the

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grant of places in reversion; there was,

“ acts of the late ministers, but he confess“ed himself at a loss to understand what “ they could mean by the appointment of a Professor of Medical Jurisprudence. He acknowledged that he was ignorant of the “ duty of that professor, and could not “ comprehend what was meant by the science he professed. There had also “ been three new Sheriffs appointed in Scotland, with salaries of between sé250 and “ 36300 a year, on a division of counties, where the duties were before erecuted as in one Shrievalty. These were some of “ the many acts of the late administration, “ which would be likely to come under the “ consideration of the committee. Another “appointment, which was equally censura“ ble, was the grant of a pension, during pleasure, of £400 a year, to a civil and criminal Judge in Scotland.—This grant “ kad, no doubt, not been carried into ef“fect, but it was owing to the doubts en“ tertained by the person who was to carry “ it into effect in Scotland, as to its legal“ity. He should not go through the other “ exceptionable appointments made by these “ gentlemen, as he had stated enough to “ shew, that, those who thought exactly “ with them, were not to be exclusively con“ fided in.”—Confided in no, indeed; but, they would have done very well to ferret out the jobs of their opponents, as an old poacher is said to make the best of gamekeepers; and, as to the finding out of their jobs, another committee might have been appointed for that purpose. The answer to this cruel attack came from Lord Henry Petty, who confessed that he was quite unprepared for defence, not having had any warning of his antagonists' intention ; and, indeed, this was rather unfair on the part of Mr. Perceval, it being the very, laudable practice of the Honourable House to give each of its members due notice of any thing that is about to be said against them, whether by petition or otherwise; for, unless he has such notice, how is a man to answer 2 His lordship, after having uttered his conplaint proceeded to say, that, “the conduct “ of the right hon, gentleman was the more “ extraordinary, as he had sheltered an hois. “ baronet (Sir II. Mildmay) on the preced“ing night, from the cffects of a charge “ against him, before a single document “ should be produced in his justification: . “ and yet, without any documents to bear “ him out, that right hon, gent, called upon the house to receive his various clarges ago inst his majesty's late ministers. Un“ prepared as he must be, from his igno“ rance of the intention or attack of the

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“ right hon. gent. he should, so far as his “ memory served him, endeavour to follow “ the right hon. gent, through his state“ ment. One of the charges made by the “ right hon. gent. was, the appointment of “ a Collector for the Port of Buenos Ayres. Would not every gentleman imagine, from the manner in which this charge had been urged, that a considerable expence was incurred, a heavy burthen accrued in consequence to the public? Was it not common candour, or rather was it not a gross want of candour in the right hon. gent., not to have stated, that no expence was to be incurred on the part of the public, till the duties of the office were to be performed on the re-capture of Buenos

been felt from the want of an establishment for the collection of the Duties in the first instance, and the appointment had been made to guard against a similar inconvenience in the re-capture of the Set

the precise time at which that appointment took place. The right hon. gent. had renewed his statement with respect to the appointment of the Surveyors of Taxes, a measure which had originated * with the Commissioners of Tares. As to the nomination of the officers, some might have been so mominated, but since the matter had been mentioned, several persons sad stated to him, that they had recommended individuals to these offices, but it had been uniformly answered, that no appointment could take place without the sanction of parliament. Another charge was the creation of an office, to which some might object, but which had been given to an individual, who had devoted a long life of disinterested service to the public, and who had in the University but an income of sé135 per annum. It

vide for this distinguished and meritorious gentleman, Mr. Dugald Stuart, by giving him that place, which had before been enjoyed by three Newspaper Writers, than by a pension. Were editors of

gentlemen opposite would protect? Was “ theirs the only science they encouraged 3 As to the pension to a civil and criminal Judge, he had heard nothing of any such grant. He should not be bold enough to say, that any administration might not fall into abuses, and he had always since he had a seat in that house, -supported motions for inquiries, whether in the shape of Naval or Military Commissions

4.

tlement. He did not exactly remember

had been thought a better mode to pro

Newspapers the only literary men the

Ayres 2 considerable inconvenience had

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“He was glad to see the right hon. gent. “following the example which he had him‘ self, for the first time, given of excluding persons in office from such a Committee. As to the gentlemen whom the right hou. gent. left out from the number of the former Committee, he should only say, that he saw no good ground for sueh exclusion. * He,thought the object of the right hon. ‘gent. would be gained by , introducing “ eight new members in the place of thosewho were not members of this parlianent, and of the hen.-baronet and the hon. gentleman opposite, now in office. * If the parliament was not dissolved to get rid of the Committee, why not revive it as “...far as that could be done, as it eristed de“...fore the dissolution ? The members who “ had proceeded with the business in the “ former committee, would more readily take it up in this, and he should therefore object to any individual who should be proposed, to the exclusion of any of the former members who were eligible.” ——This last is all very reasonable; but, only think of granting places for life to a collector and surveyor of the customs at Buenos Ayres, ready against it should be re-captured This was selling the lion's skin with. a vengeance. What, to produce such an act, must have been the greediness and impatience of the Honourable Gentlemen, to whom such grants were made What a life, too, must be that of a minister of state, plagued with the applications of such persons ! The plagues of Fgypt must have been a trifle to what a minister so situated has to endure. But, it is the natural consequence of the present state of the House of ComInons, where, as a correspondent lately observed, the minister of the day must, some how or other, obtain a majority, or else the government cannot go on.——I am sorry for. Mr. DuGALD STUART, whose great literary, merits I am not unacquainted with. His former income would have kept body and soul together; and, if not, would it not have

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nance Committee grew. He opposed Mr. Biddulph's motion; and, though he himself imoved for a committee, he took good care, that it should be so composed, and so pinned down as to its powers, that it should be little Raore than a thing of mere form; and, *ccordingly, nothing did it do, not a word did we hear of its discoveries, until lord Henry Petty and his colleagues were out of office, and had a deep interest in making exposures. For the very same reason, however, that the committee was not what I would have wished then, the same persons would have composed a committee that I should like now. What I want is, not the ‘smothering, but the exposing of peculation and jobs; and, I know no persons so likely to expose as those who wish to expose. The law invites people to inform against offenders. It does more, it commands them to do it. In some cases it offers rewards for such information, and in other cases it threatens, with punishment for a neglect to give information. But, here, where the public is so deeply interested, much more than it is in the detection of smugglers or highwaymen, it seems that the quest is to be made by persons “impartially” chosen, just as if the offenders themselves were the choosers of their pursuers. There wants no impartiality. There wants, in such a committee, nothing but intelligence and activity; and of these the old committee had given good proofs. The committee are not to be judges. They are merely to examine and report. The House is to be the judge. What sheuld any of us common mortals think of a man, who, if called upon to render an account of His conduct were to insist upon having his friends to receive that account 2 And, if he has a majority of his friends, is not that the same thing? This Finance Committee is to act as detectors and accusers; and, what would be said of that man, who should insist that it was unfair for him to be detected and accused by any one who was not his avowed friend?——After lord Henry Petty. followed a Scotch gentleman, who, word" for word, repeated what Mr. Perceval had: said. Next came Mr. Brand, who “wish“ed for a fair and honourable Inquiry, such as was due to the character of the House, such as was expected by an anxious country and a suffering people. He was partial to the right hon. gentlemen on the bench below him (the late ministers), from a high opinion of their talents and, integrity. But if any charge should be made on them, he would be the first to 4 * call for inquiry and investigation into the * grounds of that charge. But when he

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“ looked to the bench opposite (the Trea“sury Bench), and saw on it men certainly all remarkable for their talents, but of whorn not two were without pensions, sinecures, and reversions, settled on themselves, or on their families, inquiry was loudly called for, to shew how they and their infants had become possessed of those drains from the public purse. He was shocked at the mode of meeting one accusation by retorting another. When those most remarkable for ability in investigation were excluded, when the names of the new Commissioners were more numerous than those of the old, when the present Ministers, not satisfied with introducing eight names instead of those of the old members not returned, he was sure the country would not think the present Committee auspicious to the cause of retrenchment and reform. To bashe a people loaded with burthens by holding out a delusive investigation, could lead to nothing but disappointment and discontent. He lamented the insinuation, that no set of men could be found in the house free from party devotions, or from party animosity, an insinuation that must sink the character of the House in the opinion of the country, and must diminish the “hopes entertained from the investigation.” In this conclusion I think Mr Brand was deceived; for, I see not the least reason to suppose, that any insinuation, however foul, can sink the character of the House in the opinion of the country. No; theisouse is not to be affected by insinuations of any sort; its character has long been such as to enable it to set all insinuations at defiznce. Tndividual members, and even parties, may now and then suffer by comparison, in point of reputation; but, as to the Honourable House, taking it as a whole, I venture teas. sert that its character is far beyond the reach of detraction. “Sink the character of the “House, the Honourable House, in the “ opinion of the country's" Oh, no! there is, thanks to its members, no fear of that. The country know that House too well; they

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have perceived, each side takes its turn in putting forward a man, as regularly as if the whole affair was previously arranged. He said, that, “if human affairs could be con“ ducted without partiality or prejudice, the “ plan they recommended would be entitled to preference. But as the contrary was the fact, and as personal and party attachments were known to be almost universally prevalent in that house, he saw no danger in avowing to the public what was already well known, the prevalence of those party attachments, and to guard against any unfair preponderance of those attachments, by balancing the number of the parties. It was therefore desirable to avoid appointing those whose party prejudices ran all in the same course. He would indeed be ready to allow, that if there was one set of men free from all “ party prejudice and animosity, that if “ those men had been for many years out of * office, and if on coming at length into of— “ fice, they exercised their power, neither “ to stigmatize their opponents, nor imme“ diately to reward their adherents, he “ would allow that it would be very fit to “ encourage so brilliant an example of pu“ rity, by appointing these men to be of the “ committee. If not perfectly pure, they “ would at least be perfectly unaccused, ‘f while the conduct of the inquiry would be “ in their own hands. If, however, he were “ called upon to point out the description of “men most free from political animosity, it “ was not to the opposite bench that he “ would look. If he was called upon to “ point out those who had abstained most “ from the use of power for the advantage “ of their dependents, he would look there “ as lit.e for the reality of the fanciful per“ fection which was so much to be wished “ for. If, on the contrary, he were to look “ for those who made the best use of a very short interval of power for the benefit of “ themselves and their adherents, the hon. “ gentlemen were those on whom he should fix. He had heard of a certain “ Roman moralist, who wished to live in a “ house of glass, that every thing he did Inight be seen (a laugh).-If that moral“ ist had lived in these times he would have “ learned, that he who lived in a glass “ house, should not begin by throwing “ stones (a loud laugh). Those by whom “ this principle of parliamentary practice “ had been not long since laid down, were “, now unwilling that the house of glass, “ which this inquiry was to constitute, “ should be enlarged by a bow window, so “ as to include them, (4 laugh). It was

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impossible to state grounds for inquiry, otherwise than generally and in detail. When his right bon. friend made general charges, he was called as loudly to particularise, and when he did particularise, those who forced him to do so cried shame. Well, indeed, might the specification be objected to by the noble lord opposite, and his colleagues. If the plan of the late ministers had been pursued; if collectors, comptrollers, surveyors, searchers, and waiters had been appointed not only to all the ports we should conquer, but to all those that we should intend to conquer, what would have been the eonsequence : We should have had Collectors and Comptrollers of the Bosphorus, and Searchers and Waiters of Rosetta— (loud peals of laughter) —There was here

to be observed a great change in the tone

of the right hon. gentleman on the subject of Buenos Ayres. When the conquest of that place was effected, the hon. gentleman thought it not worthy of being mentioned in the King's Speech. Now it had acquired a vast importance in their eyes; and why Not from its in portance to the commerce or navigation, or to the general resources of the country, but because it was a place that afforded room for the appointment of Collectors, Comptroflers, Searchers, and Waiters. This was a complete key to the whole policy of the late ministers—and a most happy illustration it was of their large, liberal, and enlightened views However far the range might have extended in contempla-. tion, the actual list ended here, and it became necessary to return home to the 300 surveyors. The noble lord's defence here, as in the former instance, was, that the appointment was prospective. But was the influence prospective Why did the appointment take place on the eve of.. a General Election ? If the coincidence was accidental, the hon. gentlemen were the first favourites of fortune. He acknowledged the high literary merit of Mr. Dugald Stuart, who had besides the merit, and he thought it no light one, of having educated the noble lord (H. Petty). He acknowledged and lamented the general insufficiency of the rewards bestowed on literary merit in this country; but he highly condemned the mode of reward here adopted, by constituting a new sinecure, and bestowing it on Mr. Stuart and his assignees for 21 years. As to the comparison instituted by the noble lords between this grant and the rewards granted to the writers of the Anti-Jacobiu, he

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