would be insufficient.-But this attack will appear still more absurd and infatuated, if it be considered with respect to the effect which it must have on the powers of the continent, the hatred which it will arouse, and the vengeance which it will provoke.-The Empefor Alexander had offered his mediation to England. In return for this kindness, the English surprise the entrance to that sea, the independence of which he had guaranteed, taken by robbery the fleet, and the capital of a power with which she was united in the bonds of political friendship and neighbourhood. Thus the English repay the good offices which Russia has at all times done for them, the preference she has given to their commerce, and the immense sacrifices she has made to their policy! While they still might have obtained great advantages as the Consequence of their connexion, they insult Russia in her honour, offend her in her relations with her allies, and attack her in her dearest interests. And in the dispute which they have created, they have made the respectable House of Denmark, which is related to the kings of England, the entire victim of their shameful attack. In vain will they endeavour to avoid indignation, by pretending that France had views against Denmark. If so, were they ignorant that they were committing a much more shameful aggression? But his interest, as well as his own glory, and that of his people, would have withheld the Emperor of the French from such a violation of the rights of mankind, and of the eternal morality of nations, the consequences of which would have been to re-kindle the flames of war, to offend Russia, and again spread fire and blood over the Continent. In all events, it would have been prudent in England not to have been the first to act in this manner. She had it always in her power to send her fleet to the Island of Zealand to defend it, and then she would have had on her side Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and the justice of her cause. When this expedition is thus considered in its object, its execution, and its results, we perceive in it only the desperate but blind policy of fear, which calculates nothing, heeds nothing, and respects nothing. How difficult will it be after all this to believe in the excellence of a constitution which authorises such transactions, or to admire the idle words of a parliament, which patiently bears with such injustice, and we may say such

crimes.

DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS, BUENOS AYRES.From the London Ga

zette Extraordinary, dated Downing street, September 12, 1807.

del.

(Continued from p. 575.)

A communication was opened with the army in the morning; they had stormed and taken possession of 4 guns, near the citaBread, spirits, and ammunition were supplied from the ships.-On the 6th I directed the Encounter to endeavour to communicate with the army on the east side of the town, and supply them with what they might require. An hospital ship was likewise sent that way. The Nereide was moored up as high as she could go, being in less than 3 fathons, but still 9 miles from the town. At P. M. I received a letter from Capt. Thompson, saying our affairs at the west end of the town were in a most distressing state, Brig. Gen. Craufurd and the whole of his brigade taken prisoners, and that a truce had been demanded and granted; at the same time requesting more transports might be moved up, in case it should be necessary to re-embark the troops.-I immediately went up to the Staunch gun brig, which was about a mile from the shore, and abreast of the post occupied by Sir S. Achmuty, and ordered the Medusa, Thisbe, and Saracen, which were left off Barragon, to come up as high as they could with safety. -Capt. Thompson, who was with the General, came off to me immediately, but was obliged to have a guard to protect him to the beach, although close to the gun brig; but it was dark. At 8 P. M. I received a note from Gen. Whitelocke informing me he had arrived there to see what more could be done by the gallantry and exertion of the army under his command, whose sufferings in every way had seldom, under any circumstances, been exceeded. Of one thing he was certain, that South America could never be English. The inveteracy of every class of inhabitants was beyond belief. He wished to see me, as he had sent Gen. Gower to Gen. Liniers, in consequence of a letter he had received from the latter.-I cannot help taking this opportunity of saying how very active Capt. Thompson of the Fly has been, who placed the gun boats, which were commanded by Lieut. Fraser of the Medusa, and Lieut. Heion, of the Saracen,- Early in the morning of the 7th, the Staunch telegraphed to say I was wanted on shore immediately; a flag of truce was still flying at our headquarters. On my going on shore the General shewed me the proposals made by the Spanish General Liniers, (a copy of which I inclose,) and observed, that he was of opinion, as well as were the other generals, that

it could answer no good purpose to persist, and that one great object was attained, that of getting all the prisoners back that had been taken in South America this war; that the destroying the town could not benefit us; and that he saw no prospect whatever of establishing ourselves in this country, as there was not a friend to the English in it; that the number of our prisoners the enemy had were in the power of an enraged mob; and that persisting on our part would make their situation truly distressing; the number of our killed and wounded, although not exactly ascertained, was said to be very great. Under these circumstances, and being persuaded that the people of this country did not wish to be under the British government, I signed the preliminaries, trusting that what I have done will meet their lordships' approbation. I have directed Capt. Prevost, of the Saracen, to be ready to proceed to England as soon as Gen. Whitelocke's dispatches are ready, and to receive Sir S. Achmuty for a passage, with Col. Bourke, who carries the General's dispatches.--I have not yet had any returns from Captains Rowley or Joyce, who are still with the seamen that landed; but Lieut. Squarey, of the Polyphemus, who was with his men in the advanced brigade, I took off yesterday wounded, but not badly; he informs me that only one of his men is missing.-GEORGE MURRAY.

Head Quarters, Plaza de Toros,
July 7, 1807.

Sir, We have the honour to acquaint you, that actuated alone by the motives stated to you by Maj. Gen. Leveson Gower, we consent to the terms proposed --Officers shall be named to meet others appointed by you, to make immediate arrangements for the reception of prisoners, the embarkation of the British army, and other subjects.We have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) J. WHITELOCKE. G. MURRAY.

His Exc. Gen. Liniers.

Preliminary Propositions agreed for between the General of the English Army and that of the Spanish Army in the River Plata.

J. There shall be from this time a cessation of hostilities on both sides of the River Plata. II. The troops of his Britannic Majesty shall retain for the period of 2 months from this date, the Fortress of Monte Video; and as a neutral country, a line drawn from St. Carlos on the West, to Tando on the East; and there shall not be on any part of that line hostilities committed on either side;

and in that space all English delinquents shal be judged by the English military law, and all Spanish delinquents by the Spanish law. -III. There shall be on both sides a mutual restitution of prisoners, including not only those which have been taken since the arri val of the troops under Lieut. Gen. Whitelocke, but all those his Britannic Majesty's subjects captured in South America since the war. IV. There shall not be any impedi ments thrown in the way of the supplies of provisions which may be required for Monte Video.-V. A period of ten days shall be given for the re-embarkation of his Britannic Majesty's troops to pass to the north side of the River Plata, with all their arms, cannon, stores, and equipage at the most convenient points which may be selected, and during that time provisions may be sold to them.VI. During the period of 4 months no impe diment shall be thrown in the way of the commerce of the British merchants.Answered-Inadmissible, because contrary to the Spanish laws.-I. Additional-When Monte Video is restored, it is to be uninjured, with the Spanish artillery originally belonging to it.-II. Additional-That there shall be mutually 3 officers of rank exchan ged until the fulfilment of this treaty, it be ing understood that those British officers who have been in this country on their parole, are not again to serve in South America until they have been landed in Europe.

Nereide, off Buenos Ayres, July 10, 1807.

Sir, -Since my letter of the 8th inst. I have seen Captains Rowley and Joyce, who were landed with the seamen, and am happy to find 2 only are missing.I mentioned Lieut. Squarey, of the Polyphemus, being wounded. The persevering conduct of Captains Rowley and Joyce, and the officers and seamen under their command, merits the highest encomiums. They had to drag the cannon for miles through the swamps, and the men were almost always harnessed to them. The General has, no doubt, expressed in his dispatches his thanks to them. -Capt. Prevost, who will have the honour of carrying the dispatches, will give their lordships any farther information; (I left the Saracen with some gun boats at Barras gon after landing, lest it might have been necessary from bad roads, for the army to fall back); I beg leave to recommend him to their lordships' protection as an active, and very zealous officer.- -I have the honour to be, &c.-GEO. MURRAY.

641]

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. AMERICAN STATES. It appears, from the newspapers, that Mr. George Henry. Rose, a son of Old George Rose so long of the Treasury, is to be sent out to America upon a special mission (the son of Lord Erskine of Clackmannan remaining as be fore), and, that Admiral Berkeley is recalled from the American station.As to the first, supposing the person to be sent a proper one, and that party interest and self-interest and personal and party revenge have had nothing to do in the choice, we can say, but little, except as to the unnecessary ex-. pense to the nation, because, as yet, we cannot know what the object of the mission, is. From the circumstance of the negocia tion being put into new hands, I should be inclined to augur a proper, result, were not, this new appointment accompanied with the recall of Admiral Berkeley. This may, indeed, have been done from party motives, the family of Berkeley with all its interest. being opposed to, the present ministers in. parliament, while Sir John B. Warren and his friends and connexions are on their side; but, whatever we may think of this motive, bad as it may be, the other motive, namely, that of appeasing the Americans, is a thousand times worse. It is most likely, that the ministers and their partizans will alledge no motive at all; but, will wrap. themselves up in mysterious silence, and. plead only their right to do what they have done. But, while we shall be at perfect liberty to ascribe the former motive to them,. the vanity and arrogance of the Americans will not fail to insist, that they have been. actuated by the latter. This will tend to heighten their tone; they will the more rely. upon the exertions of their faction of funds. holders here, and, therefore, the means of an amicable adjustment, upon the only terms which we ought to think of, will be greatly enfeebled. What an example is this, too, for the officers of the British navy! What an encouragement to do their duty, in mains taining their country's rights! What admiral, or captain, will, after this, run the risk of being sacrificed to political expedien

If indeed, the ministry were explicitly

to declare, that they have recalled Admiral Berkeley, because he, in the latter part of his order to his captains, commanded them to permit the American captain to search their ships for American seamen, thus plac ing the two nations upon a footing of per fect equality upon the sea, I should applaud their conduct; but, as the recall now stands, without any such declaration as this, the conclusion of every one will be, that he is recalled, because he has enforced the right of search. I had written so

far, when the king's proclamation, (which will be found below) dated on the 16th instant, and published in the Gazette of last Sa,urday, reached me. That proclamation leaves us no room to doubt, that, with respect to the point at issue, the ministers mean, not to, concede, but to do what is much worse, to evade, and to sneak out of the question, without any decision at all. Upon this most curious document, I shall first insert the excellent remarks contained in the TIMES newspaper, of the 19th instant; for, as far as they go, they contain my, sentiments. His Majesty's Procla→ mation, which appeared in the Gazette of Saturday last, is, at the present crisis, an extremely important document; inas"much as it makes us acquainted with some material facts in the existing state of the "negociation between this country and "America. This is the first moment at

¢

which any of the propositions on either "side have seen the light: and there cer "tainly is a degree of shamefaçedness at "their exposure to view, at their first coming into public, that indicates a con "sciousness on the part of their authors, "that they are not quite so manly and ener getic, as we had reason to suppose. The right of searching national ships for Bri"tish seamen, is receded from; that of "seizing them in, and, taking them from, merchantmen, is retained; but we believe most people will find it necessary to read the third clause of the proclamation, in "which these principles are contained, at "least three times, before they will clearly "understand them-such ambiguity is there "in the expression, such timidity. and

Y

nt of what is called in colloquial idiom, speaking out. But further, we learn "from the clause just cited, that though "British seamen may not be pursued into "foreign vessels, bearing a national flag,

may

they may still be taken, if it be possible, "" in transitu," they "be stopped, "and made to stay," as the proclamation elegantly expresses, when endeavouring to transport and enter themselves into "the service of any foreign state." Now "let us apply this permission of detaining

them to an actual occurrence:-Lord J. "Townshend states, in his letter to Ad"miral Berkeley, that the deserters from "the Halifax "were seen by him and "several of his officers parading the streets "of Norfolk, under the American flag." "These men, therefore, had not yet enter"ed the Chesapeake; could they, by the tenor of this proclamation, have been "stopped, and made to stay," or, in "less technical terms, have been seized so

parading the streets of Norfolk, by the crew of the Halifax? If they could, we "think the Americans will hardly be con"tented with a concession on our part, "which respects the protecting power of "their flag at the mast-head, but still allows "us to violate and disturb the peace of their

"the Proclamation does not alter the law of the land in this respect)-of what weight therefore have these threats been, "against the offer of higher wages, and "the delusive promise of better treatment, "acting upon illiterate minds? One of "these denunciations of wrath against Bri"tish seamen engaged in foreign service, is "of so singular a nature, that we cannot

66

help mentioning it it is this, "if Eng"lish mariners, so serving, should be taken prisoners by any of the States of Barbary, the British Consul at Tunis, or Algiers, shall not réclaim them !" We must "close our remarks, by allowing, in the "fullest sense, the many and weighty dif "ficulties which attend our pending concerns with America; but from the insight which the Proclamation affords us "of the present state of the negociation, we cannot think, though we greatly hope, that those difficulties will be surmounted, in a way beneficial or even "equitable to England. We should have "no objection to concession, provided it "would but conduct us to a clear and defin"ed state of things; but such a concession 68 as leaves matters in the very state in which "it found them, must (as we know by expe"rience), inevitably lead to incessant jea "lousies, bickerings, and disputes, the

can refusing to give him up), must write to the Admiral of the station, the Admi*ral ofthe station to the LordsCommissioners "of the Admiralty, the Lords Commissioners

of the Admiralty to the Secretary of State; and thus, having ascended the ladder of "office in England, you have still to go "down another ladder of office in Ameri.

ca, before you can get at your deserter. "Can any man see, in this circuitous pro"cedure, a glimpse of hope, that we shall "be able to prevent America from continu

ing to allure British mariners into her "service? Several threats, indeed, are de"nounced in the Proclamation, against the unhappy objects of American seduction: jer buyo

ན་

acht will these be, or in weight have they been, (for

melancholy termination of which, will "be the very evil which it is thus attempt"ed to avert. Suppose matters to be for "the present amicably arranged between "us and the United States, and the basis "on our part to be the concession contain"ed in his Majesty's Proclamation above "cited; the most prudent conduct of every British Commander on the American station, will in future be, certainly to prevent desertion, if he can; but if in"stances do occur, neither to search for the "fugitives in American merchant vessels,

nor to claim them from ships of war, "but to bear his loss quietly; for most as

"

suredly, the contrary conduct will, in "most instances, either involve his coun"try at large, or himself personally, in an "endless train of squabbles and disquie "tudes, of accusations and retorts, of

charges and denials; which, if the mat"ter relates to himself only will end "in his recal; if to the British Go"vernment, in fresh concessions, or direct "hostilities."- This will assuredly, be the consequence. Our naval Officers willremember, that, for many, many years, the Admiral upon the Halifax station lived a very fat and quiet life, without attempting to make an exertion to recover British sea

men (thousands of British seamen), inveigled away by the Americans; but, that, the moment an Admiral came, who set seriously about preventing that evil, he was deserted by the government, and recalled; that is to say, disgraced, as far as it was in their power to disgrace him.--The proclamation, however, will have no effect upon Admiral Berkeley, who can produce his orders from the Admiralty to stop and search all foreign neutral vessels, without any exception, for British seamen. With this order the Proclamation is inconsistent; but, the order was in force first.To be sure the blustering, at the close of the Proclamation, is ludicrous enough; but it is perfectly in character, and will pass for just what it is worth, and not a jot more. It will not prevent a single man from entering the American service, or the service of any other neutral state; but, on the contrary, will operate as an encouragement thereto, it being now certain, that when entered, they will be safe from our power-But, seeing that this speaking was resolved upon, of what use to the nation was it to appoint "George Henry Rose, Esqr." to go to America upon a special mission? of what use can that mission be to us? To him, indeed, it may be of great use. It will give him about four thousand pounds a year of our money, while he remains there; he will have an opportunity of seeing the country; and, when he comes back he will, as a thing of course, be settled upon us, for life, to the tune of two thousand, or, at least, twelve hundred a year, inaddition to the four thousand a year, which, after the death of his father, he is to receive from us, for life also, as Clerk of the Parliaments! Mr. Erskine, will be coming home much about the same time. There will be a similar pension for him, for, probably forty years yet to come; and, then, hey for appointing another! And so on, pension without end.

The

And these are the vigorous ministers!

poor hireling of the Courier, who thought that a stand was about to be made against the insolence of the Americans, and who had, accordingly, assumed a very high tone about the dominion of the seas, does, I must do him the justice to say it, seem ashamed at this falling off in his patrons; "but," says he," it may be said, that, if we insisted upon searching American

“

ships of war, they would insist upon "searching our ships of war;" forgetting, poor man, that fin repeating my arguments, he had before maintained the difference between us and the Americans, and had asserted, that, though we had a right to

search their ships, they had no right to search ours. -The truth seems to be, that there was a moment of vigour, a fit as it were; but that, the fit having gone off, the vigour evaporated along with it, and was followed by the native imbecillity of the body, I was all along afraid, hat this would be the case; I have, from the first, expressed my fears of it; those fears are now verified, and I am now confirmed in the opinion, that all the "vigorous" measures in Europe, will end in another peace of Amiens, if not a worse, accompanied with a new batch of ambassadors and a new batch of pensioners.

EXPATRIATION.- My correspondent, S. V. whose letter upon the expatriation of British subjects, I answered in the Register of the 10th instant, has made a reply, which will be found at page 610, in the last Register. He now agrees with me, that an occasional allegiance and alienage would te mischievous; and he does not insist upon his former construction of the law of England touching this subject; but, in support of his principle, he makes use of an illustration, and quotes the opinions of Wicquefort and Vattel. As to these opinions, I have never appealed to them, I hold them to be erroneous, and I oppose my argument to them as well as to the doctrines of S. V.I endeavoured to show, that it was right, that every man should, all his life long, be held to owe allegiance to the country, in which he was born and reared up to manhood. There would be an exception, of course, to such as were born of alien parents; and I left undecided the point, whether, in extreme cases, such as that of our revolu- . tion, the subject might not withdraw himself from the authority of his king, or government. I insisted, that every man, dur ing bis infancy and youth, contracted an obligation with the nation; that the nation were not only prevented from killing him, or leaving him to starve with hunger or perish with cold or from want of care, but i that they were compelled to nurse, cherish, support, and defend him; and that, there fore, it would be unjust in the extreme, for him to have the right to say, when he was grown up to manhood, I will now not only carry nay talents and strength elsewhere, but when it suits me, employ them for the nation's destruction.In reply to this S. V. says: It seems to you to be the very

acme of ingratitude, because when I ar"rive at manhood, I desert the services of my nurse, who may, in my infancy, have attended me; because, truly, I have been in the nurse's arms, fed, administered to, and unremittantly attended by her, it