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would be insufficient.—But this attack will appear still more absurd and infatuated, if it be considered with respect to the effect which it must have on the powers of the continent, the hatred which it will arouse, and the vengeance which it will provoke.—The Empefor Alexander had offered his mediation to England. In return for this kindness, the English surprise the entrance to that sea, the independence of which he had guaranteed, taken by robbery the fleet, and the capital of a power with which she was united in the bonds of political friendship and neighbourhood. Thus the English repay the good offices which Russia has at all times done for them, the preference she has given to their commerce, and the immense sacrifices she has made to their policy | While they still might have obtained great advantages as the consequence of their connexion, they insult Russia in her honour, offend her in her relations with her allies, and attack her in her dearest interests. And in the dispute which they have created, they have made the respectable House of Denmark, which is related to the kings of England, the entire victim of their shameful attack. In vain will they'endeavour to avoid indignation, by pretending that France had views against Denmark. If so, were they ignorant that they were committing a much more shameful aggression ? But his interest, as well as his own glory, and that of his people, would have withheld the Emperor of the French from such a violation of the rights of mankind, and of the eternal morality of nations, the consequences of which would have been to re-kindle the flames of war, to offend Russia, and again spread fire and blood over the Continent. In all events, it would have been prudent in England not to have been the first to act in this manner. She had it always in her power to send her fleet to the Island of Zealand to defend it, and then she would have had on her side Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and the justice of her cause. When this expedition is thus considered in its object, its execution, and its results, we perceive in it only the desperate but blind policy of fear, which calculates nothing, heeds nothing, and respects nothing. How difficult will it be after all this to believe in the excellence of a constitution which authorises such transactions, or to admire the idle words of a parliament, which patiently bears with such injustice, and we may say such crimes.

DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS, Buesos Axxes.—From the London Ga

zette Ertraordinary, dated Downing street, September 12, 1807. (Continued from p. 575.) A communication was opened with the army in the morning; they had stormed and taken possession of 4 guns, near the citadel. Bread, spirits, and ammunition were supplied from the ships-On the 6th I directed the Encounter to endeavour to communicate with the army on the east side of the town, and supply then, with what they might require. An hospital ship was likewise sent that way.--—The Nereide was moored up as high as she could go, being in less than 3 fathons, but still 9 miles from the town. At 1 P. M. I received a letter from Capt. Thompson, saying our affairs at the west end of the town were in a most distressing state, Brig. Gen. Craufurd and the whole of his brigade taken prisoners, and that a truce had been demanded and granted; at the same time requesting more transports might be moved up, in case it should be necessary to re-embark the troops. I immediately went up to the Staunch gun brig, which was about a mile from the shore, and abreast of the post occupied by Sir S. Achmuty, and ordered the Medusa, Thisbe, and Saracen, which were left off Barragon, to come up as high as they could with safety. —Capt. Thompson, who was with the General, came off to me immediately, but was obliged to have a guard to protect him to the beach, although close to the gun brig; but it was dark. At 8 P. M.. I received a note from Gen. Whitelocke informing me he had arrived there to see what more could be done by the ga);antry and exertion of the army under lifts command, wbose sufferings in every way had seldom, under any circumstances, been exceeded. Of one thing he was certain, that South America could never be English.—The inveteracy of every class of inhabitants was beyond belief. He wished to see me, as he had sent Gen. Gower to Gen. Liniers, in consequence of a letter he had received from the latter.—I cannot help taking this cpportunity of saying how very active Capt. Thompson of the Fly has been, who placed the gun boats, which were commanded by Lieut. Fraser of the Medusa, and Lieut. He on, of the Saracen.— Early in the morning of the 7th, the Staunch telegraphed to say I was wanted on shore immediately; a flag of truce was still flying at our headquarters. On my going on shore the General shewed me the proposals made by the Spanish General Liniers, (a copy of which I inclose,) and observed, that he was of opinion, as well as were the other generals, that it could answer no good purpose to persist, and that one great object was attained, that of getting all the prisoners back that had been taken in South America this war; that the destroying the town could not benefit us; and that he saw no prospect whatever of establishing ourselves in this country, as there was not a friend to the English in it; that the number of our prisoners the enemy had were in the power of an enraged mobi and that persisting on our part would make their situation truly distressing; the number of our killed and wounded, although not exactly ascertained, was said to be very great. Under these circumstances, and being persuaded that the people of this country did not wish to be under the British government, I signed the preliminaries, trusting that what I have done will meet their lordships approbatic.m. – I have directed Capt. Prevost, of the Saracen, to be ready to proceed to England as soon as Gen. Whitelocke's dispatches are ready, and to receive Sir S. Achmuty for a passage, with Col. Bourke, who carries the General's dispatches.——I have not yet had any returns from Captains Rowley or Joyce, who are still with the seamen that landed; but Lieut. Squarey, of the Polyphemus, who was with his men in the advanced brigade, I took off yesterday wounded, but not badly; he informs me that only one of his men is missing.—George MURRAY. Head Quarters, Plaza de Toros, July 7, 1807. Sir, We have the honour to acquaint you, that actuated alone by the motives stated to you by Maj. Gen. Leveson Gower, we eonsent to the terms proposed ——Officers shall be named to meet others appointed by you, to make immediate arrangements for the reception of prisoners, the embarkation of the British army, and other subjects. We have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) J. Whitelock E. G. MURRAY. His Exc. Gen. Liniers. Preliminary Propositions agreed for between the General of the English Army and that of the Spanish Army in the River Plata. I. There shall be from this time a cessation of hostilities on both sides of the River Plata.-II. The troops of his Britannic Majesty shall retain for the period of 2 months from this date, the Fortress of Monte Video; and as a neutral country, a line drawn from St. Carlos on the West, to Tando on the East; and there shall not be on any part of that line hostilities committed on either side;

and in that space all English delinquents shall

be judged by the English military law, and

all Spanish delinquents by the Spanish law.

—III. There shall be on both sides a mutual

restitution of prisoners, including not only

those which have been taken since the arri

val of the troops under Lieut. Gen. White

locke, but all those his Britannic Majesty's subjects captured in South America since the war.——IV. There shall not be any impedi. ments thrown in the way of the supplies of provisions which may be required for Monte Video.——V. A period of ten days shall be given for the re-embarkation of his Britannic Majesty's troops to pass to the north side of the River Plata, with all their arms, cannon, stores, and equipage at the most convenient points which may be selected, and during that time provisions may be sold to them.— VI. During the period of 4 months no impediment shall be thrown in the way of the commerce of the British merchants.Answered—Inadmissible, because contrary to the Spanish laws.-1. Additional—When Monte Video is restored, it is to be uninjured, with the Spanish artillery originally belonging to it.—II. Additional—That there shall be mutually 3 officers of rank exchanged until the fulfilment of this treaty, it being understood that those British officers who have been in this country on their parole, are not again to serve in South America until they have been landed in Europe.

Nereide, off Buenos Ayres, July 10, 1807. Sir, –Since my letter of the 8th inst. I have seen Captains Rowley and Joyce, who were landed with the seamen, and am happy to find 2 only are missing.——I mentioned Lieut. Squarey, of the Polyphemus, being wounded. The persevering conduct of Captains Rowley and Joyce, and the officers and seamen under their command, merits the highest encomiums. They had to drag the cannon for miles through the swamps, and the men were almost always barn to them. The General has, no doubt, expressed in his dispatches his thanks to them. —Capt. Prevost, who will have the honour of carrying the dispatches, will give their lordships any farther information: (I left the Saracen with some gun boats at Barragon after landing, lest it might have been necessary from bad roads, for the army to fall back); I beg leave to recommend him to their lordships' protection as an active, and very zealous officer. I have the honour to be, &c.—Geo. MURRAY.

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Vol. XII. No. 17.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 24, 1807.

[Price 10d.

“What asses were we, to expect courage from a capon.”—Beau Most AND FLETCHER.

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

AME Rica N STATEs. It appears, from the newspapers, that Mr. George Henry. Rose, a son of Old George Rose so long of the Treasury, is to be sent out to America upon a special mission (the son of Lord Erskine of Clackmannan remaining as before), and, that Admiral Berkeley is recalled from the American station. As to the

first, supposing the person to be sent a pro

per one, and that party interest and self-interest and personal and party revenge have had nothing to do in the choice, we can say, but little, except as to the unnecessary expense to the nation, because, as yet, we cannot know what the object of the mission, is. From the circumstance of the negociation being put into new hands, I should be inclined to augur a proper, result, were not

is new appointment accompanied with the recall of Admiral Berkeley. This may, indeed, have been done from party motives, the family of Berkeley with all its interest. being opposed to, the present ministers in parliament, while Sir j. B. Warren and his friends and connexions are on their side ; but, whatever we may think of this motive, bad as it may be, the other motive, mainely, that of appeasing the Americans, is a thousand times worse. It is most likely, that the muisters and their partizans will alledge no motive at all; but will wrap. themselves up in mysterious silence, and, plead only their right to do what they have done. But, while we shall be at perfect liberty to ascribe the former motive to them, the vanity and arrogance of the Americans will not fail to insist, that they have been. actuated by the latter. This will tend to heighten their tone; they will the more rely. upon the exertions of their faction of fundholders here, and, therefore, the means of

anamicable adjustment, upon the only terms | which we ought to think of, will be greatly |

enfeebled. What an example is this, too, for the officers of the British navy | What an encouragement to do their duty, in maintaining their country's rights! What admiral, or captain, will, after this, run the risk of being sacrificed to political expediency If indeed, the ministry were explicitly

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to declare, that they have recalled Admiral Berkeley, because he, in the latter part of his order to his captains, commanded them to permit the American captain to search their ships for American seamen, thus placing the two nations upon a footing of perfict eqtality upon the sea, I should applaud their conduct; but, as the recall now stands, without any such declaration as this, the conclusion of every one will be, that he is recalled, because he has enforced the right of search. . . . . . . . . . I had written so far, when the king's proclamation, (which will be found below) dated on the 16th instant, and published in the Gazette of last Saturday, reached me. That proclamation leaves us no room to doubt, that, with respect to the point at issue, the ministers mean, not to concede, but to do what is much worse, to evade, and to sneak out of the question, without any decision at all. Upon his lost curious document, I shall first insert the excellent remarks contained in the TIMEs newspaper, of the 19th instant; for, as far as they go, they contain my, sentiments.--—“His Majesty's Procla“ mation, which appeared in the Gazette “. of Saturday last, is, at the present crisis, “an extremely important document; inas“ much as it makes us acquainted with some “ material facts in the existing state of the “ negociation between this country and “America. This is the first moment at which any of the propositions on either side have seen the light: and there cer“ tainly is a degree of shamefagedness at

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“ their exposure to yiew, at their first com

“ing into public, that indicates a con“sciousness on the part of their authors; “...that they are no quite so manly and ener

“getic, as we had reason to suppose. The

“ right of searching national ships for Eri“tish seamen, is receded from ; that of “ seizing them in, aid taking them from, “ merchantinen, is retained ; but we believe “: most people will find it necessary to read “ the third clause of the proclamation, in “, which these principles are contained, at “ least three times, before they will cleriy “ understand them—such ambiguity is there “ in the expression, such timidity, and

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want of what is called in colloquial idiom, ‘speaking out.' But further, we learn from the clause just cited, that though British seamen may not be pursued into foreign vessels, bearing a national flag, they may still be taken, if it be possible, in transitu,” they may “ be stopped, and made to stay," as the proclamation elegantly expresses, “ when endeavour. ing to transport and enterthémselves into the service of any foreign state." Now let us apply this permission of detaining them to an actual occurrence:—Lord J. Townshend states, in his letter to Admiral Berkeley, that the deserters from the Halifax “ were seen by him and several of his officers parading the streets of Norfolk, under the American flag.” These men, therefore, had not yet entered the Chesapeake; could they, by the tenor of this proclamation, have been “ stopped, and made to stay,” or, in less technical terms, have been seized so parading the streets of Norfolk, by the crew of the Halifax * think the Americans will hardly be contented with a concession on our part, which respects the protecting power of their flag at the mast-head, but still allows us to violate and disturb the peace of their towns, high-roads, and even houses.— Well, it not being allowed to search national vessels for British seamen, what remedy does the Proclamation propose what redress for the grievances whic . thence accrue to Britain & Precisely such remedy and such redress as were obvious enough without the Proclamation, and such as must, in their nature, be essentially inefficacious, in the way of support to our Navy. The British Captain who suspects a deserter to be on board an American ship, for instance (the American refusing to give him up), must write to the Admiral of the station, the Admiral of the station to the LordsCommissioners

of the Admiralty, the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to the Secretary of State;

and thus, having ascended the ladder of office in England, you have still to go down another ladder of office in America, before you can get at your deserter.

If they could, we

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the Proclamation does not alter the law of the land in this respect) of what

weight therefore have these threats been,

against the offer of higher wages, and the delusive promise of better treatment, acting upon illiterate minds? One of these denunciations of wrath against British seamen engaged in foreign service, is of so singular a nature, that we cannot help mentioning it: it is this, “if English mariners, so serving, should be taken. prisoners by any of the States of Barbary, the British Consul at Tunis, or Algiers, shall not reclaim them " We must close our remarks, by allowing, in the fullest sense, the many and weighty difficulties which attend our P.", concerns with America; but from the insight which the Proclamation affords us of the present state of the negociation, we cannot think, though we greatly hope, that those difficulties will be surmounted, in a way beneficial or eved equitable to England. We should have no objection to concession, provided it would but conduct us to a clear and defined state of things; but such a concession as leaves matters in the very state in which it found them, must (as we know by experience), inevitably lead to incessant jealousies, bickerings, and disputes, the melancholy termination of which, will be the very evil which it is thus attempt: ed to avert. Suppose matters to be for the present amicably arranged between us and the United States, and the basis on our part to be the concession contain. ed in his Majesty's Proclamation above cited; the most prudent conduct of eve: ry British Commander on the Americ

station, will in future be, certainly ti prevent desertion, if he can ; but if instances do occur, neither to search for the fugitives in American merchant vessels, nor to claim them from ships of war, but to bear his loss quietly ; for most assuredly, the contrary conduct will, in most instances, either involve his coun: try at large, or himself personally, in an endless train of squabbles and disquie. tudes, of accusations and retorts, of charges and denials; which, if the mat:

* Can any man see, in this circuitous pro- “ter relates to himself only will end “cedure, a glimpse of hope, that we shall “ in his recal; if to the British Go“ be able to prevent America from continu- “ vernment, in fresh concessions, or direct “ing to allure British mariners into her “ hostilities.”

This will assuredly, be the consequence. Our naval Officers willremember, that, for many, many years,

service 3 Several threats, indeed, are denounced in the Proclamation, against the

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mation, is ludicrous enough; but it is per

fectly in character, and will pass for just what it is worth, and not a jot more. It will not prevent a single man from entering the American service, or the service of any other neutral state; but, on the contrary, will operate as an encouragement thereto, it being now certain, that when entered, they will be safe from our power—But, seeing that this speaking was resolved upon, of what use to the nation was it to appoint “George Henry Rese, Esqr.” to go to America upon a special mission 2 of what use can that mission be to us To him, indeed, it may be of great use. It will give him about four thousand pounds a year of our money, while he remains there; he will have an opportunity of seeing the country; and, when he comes back he will, as a thing of course, be settled upon us, for life, to the tune of two thousand, or, at least, twelve hundred a year, in addition to the four thousand a year, which, after the death of his father, he is to receive from us, for life also, as , Clerk of the Parliaments ' Mr. Erskine, will be coming home much about the same time. There will be a similar pension for him, for, probably forty years yet to come ; and, then, hey for appointing another J. And so on, pension without end. —And these are the vigorous ministers : poor hireling of the Courier, who thought that a stand was about to be made against the insolence of the Americans, and

who had, accordingly, assumed a very high tone about the dominion of the seas, does, 1.

must do him the justice to say it, seem ashamed at this falling off in his patrons;

“ but,” says he, “it may be said, that, if

we insisted upon searching American ships of war, they would insist upon

poor man, that in repeating my arguments,

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searching our ships of war;” forgetting,

he had before maintained the difference be

tween us and the Americans, and had

asserted, that, though we had a right to

* : [646 search their ships, they had no right to search Ours. The truth seems to be, that there was a moment of vigour; a fit as it were ; but that, the fit having gone off, the vigour evaporated along with it, and was followed by the native imbecillity of the body.' I was all along afraid, hat this would be the case; I have, from tho first, expressed my fears of it ; those fears are now verified, and I am. now confirmed in the opinion, that all the “ vigorous" measures in Europe, will end in another peace of Amiens, if not a worse, accompanied with a new batch of ambassadors and a new batch of pensioners. ExPATRIATIon. My correspondent, S. V. whose letter upon the expatriation of British subjects, I answered in the Register of the 10th instant, has made a reply, which will be found at page 610, in the last Register. He now agrees with me, that an occasional allegiance and alienage would be mischievous ; and he does not insist upon his former construction of the law of England touching this subject; but, in support of his principle, he makes use of an illustration, and Tuotes the opinions of Wicquefort and Vattel. As to these opinions, I have never appealed to them, I hold them to be

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