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this a y would be to us, if in such a case, the crew coni , with imprinity, be protected by the American government. It happens, that two of our ships, from which the seamen were inveigled, had actually put in in a state of distress ; that one ran ashore, and that the other was stranded off the capes of Virginia. In this situation, their seamen went on shore for various purposes, they were robbed of those seamen, and that, too, observe, by an officer of the United States, at a rendezvous openly kept for the purpose! Call you this amily, Messrs. Whitbread and Perry Is it possible to live in amity with a nation so acting 2—A murderer, too, was sheltered from justice, an act in express violation of the treaty; and, if we could come at all the particulars, I venture to say, that a more abominable scene never was exhibited.——Now, as to the dangers of war with the American States, I need say no more about them; but I will not deny myself the pleasure of inserting some observations of a writer at Boston, published there in August last; and, without pretending that this writer speaks the sentiments of all his countrymen, I think I may fairly conclude, that he has confirmed my opinion, expressed upon the arrival of the news of the search, and that was, that the good sense of the best of the people of that country would, in the end, prevail.—“ It is “ said that Great Britain not only pleads her established laws, with regard to her right to native Britons, but that her existence would, at this time, he endangered by a contrary principle. Where is the impropriety of attending to her reasons : The right of self-preservation, if it be

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demonstrated, must be acknowledged the highest of all rights. Where is the evidence that the views of her government are hostile * Why is it said that “ an eye ought to be fixed” on those who offer

to question or reason, unless it is feared

that we may discover justice, and that our true interest does not lie in the course some are so zealous to pursue. We sincerely wish that an impartial eye may be fixed on all; and, as if to open our eyes, it seems ordered by providence, that Spain should at this time commit another outrage, as gross and insulting as that, at worst, offered by Great Britain—she has seized our national arms. We do not understand that she claimed the property as her own, or condescended to make any previous application to government, much less that her existence depended on the principle. But it is no crime in government to be quiet on this occasion. There does not appear to be any spirit of resertment existing, nor are the people called upon to display it. The true American, it might be supposed, would be equally sensible to insult, from whatever quarter it came ; would be equally free from blind passion on one side, and base servility on the other.— A comparison is frequently made between our revolutionary war, and a war which we may now wage with Great Britain, and an inference is drawn, that because we obtained an honourable peace in the former case, a like result may now be expected.—This is very flattering to our pride, and if like most vain people, we listen only to those who flatter us, it will be vain to attempt to reason with us.-But it should be recollected that there is not the smallest analogy or resemblance in the objects or mode of warfare between our last war, and any future one with the same power. In the former case, the war was merely defensive: not to be subdued was our only object, and was all the victory we had to boast of. Even that result would have been uncertain,

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“We have undoubtedly five and perhaps ten times as much capital. But where is it? ocean, ready to enable our enemy to carry on the war—wholly unprotected, and out of our power to protect it." is too sound to be rejected by a majority of the people of America. Certain fraudulent debtors, to whom another war would afford another opportunity of cheating their silly creditors, may see good in a war with England; and, as many of them have too much weight in public affairs, I should not be altogether disappointed at seeing a war begun; but, it would not last long. The

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Northern States, inhabited, in general, by

industrious and honest men, would never suffer the calamities of war for the mere purpose of favouring the views of their fraudulent fellow citizens of the South —

I repeat my opinion, that there will be no

war, unless our ministers yield; and, then, in a short time, war between the two countries must conic.

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we have now more power and more resources, how stand the same points with

Because Where then is the as much specie—this is much doubted.

One hundred millions upon the

This

ready for delivery on Saturday next.

ber of copies, which, to avoid serious risk, it has been thought advisable to print, render it necessary, thus early, to adopt precautions calculated to prevent any broken sets remaining on hand at the conclusion of the work. A copy, therefore, of this Notification will be attached to, or delivered with, each copy of the Third Volume, and no person can be permitted to purchase the Fourtis Volume, unless he produce to the publisher the said Notification ; which, and which only, will be considered as a satisfactory proof of his haying purchased the former Volumes. - - Vol IX. of the Parliamentary Debates, comprising the period from the 5th of March to the close of the First Session of the Fourth Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, will be Xomplete sets from the commencement in 1803, may be had of the Publishers.

Epi NBURGH Reviewers.

Sim ;-You are aware no doubt that a violent attack has been made upon you in an article of the last Edinburgh É. understood to be written by Mr. Jeffrey, the person principally concerned in that work. You are accused of inconsistency, and nich labour has been bestowed in a search into all the Porcupines and Registers you have edited, to contrast opinions delivered at former periods with those given by you lately. I leave it to you to defend yours, if on this head, with a single observation, that it is not in the least wonderful if a periodical writer obliged to write on the impulse of the moment and to send what he has written immediately to the press, should appear to be thus at variance with himself, nor need he be ashamed to own that his opinions have changed upon a change of circumstances, on maturer reflection or better information.— But, granting that your former and latter writings and opinions are at variance, your inconsistency falls vastly short of Mr. Jeffrey's, who is in opposition to himself in different parts of the very same article and in the same number of his review, and who rails at you for what he is himself guilty of in the same breath. It is highly improper, he says, to speak disrespectfully of the king and his family. Quoting what yea have said of on: commanders and partico

larly the commander in chief, he intimates

his concurrence thus, “we have no quarrel “with Mr. Cobbett for that opinion,” which I venture to pronounce is saying sneakingly, all that you have said on the subject manfuho.

Observe what this respectful and well bred gentleman says in another article of the very same nu:mber “ these are not times to pay “foolish compliments to kings or the sons of ‘Kings. If the people of this country are “ solely occupied in considering what is “ personally agreeable to the king, without “considering what is for his permanent good and for the safety of his domainion, “it does appear to us quite impossible that “ to mean and so foolish a people can escape “ that destruction which is ready to burst “upon them.” Tid you ever say any thing stronger than this Mr. Cobbett — You have said that considering who we have for commander in chief and commanders genefally, and the strength of our armies (including the volunteers surely) you are not afraid of invasiou or at least of the country being subdued; upon which Mr. Jeffrey asks, Whether any man capable of serious counsel or proper feeling could possibly conceive such a crisis of such a country as a suitable object for derision or for such asinine attemps at irony and humour as, are exhibited in this passage 2 Now, I beg leave to retort the question, not omitting the delicate term asinine when I refer you to the article before alluded to beginning “ if ever a na“tion exhibited symptouis of downright “madness or utter stupidity we conceive

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“these symptoms may be easiy recognized,

“in the conduct of this country upon the “Catholic question.” Take notice that the charge of nuadnessandstupidity is made against the majority of both houses of parliament, not to speakof the sovereign and against a decided majority of the people of England at large, and pray read the sequel about a man in a high fewer with a pain in his great toe which was certainly intended for humour; who the “mourn“ful and folly stricken llockhead' is, I will not say, though I think I can guess, and as Mr. Jeffrey says of you on different occasions “per“haps I don't differ from him” in the whole of this article; though I dislike his sneaking “ perhaps.”— According to Mr. Jeffrey,

the tendency of your late writings is to create

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“ some chance of saving England, from the “general wreck of empires, but that it may “ not be saved because one politician will “ lose C2000 a year and another £3000, a “ third a place in reversion, and a fourth a “ pension for his aunt : Alas ! these are

“ the powerful causes which have always

“ settled the destiny of great kingdoms “ and which may level England to the dust." And again Mr. Jeffrey states “we suppose “ we calculate moderately wheti, we say “ that the king and his ministers have now the disposal of offices to the value of 12 millions yearly. The expence of collecting the taxes was calculated ten years “ ago at six millions. We do not know how “ to estimate the value of all the appoint“ ments in the navy, the army, the church&c. “ but it appears to us that they must be much “ underrated if they are only averaged at an “ equal sum. This is enormous.”— But Mr. Jeffrey's great ground of quarrel with you is your speaking irreverently of the house of commons, “an institution from which no “good man would wish to alienate the affec“tion or respect of the country.” He admits that the constitution has some irov or other falien oil its ancient hinges, but then it has fallen on other hinges more pleasant and more easily oiled. He has made a discovery the most consoling, that instead of the legislature being of old composed of three distinct parts or estates which served to balai:ce and check one another, the British constitution consists of three parts as before, litt these are all to be found arsembled in the House of Commons. The placemen and those members who are put in by the treasury influence represent the executive government, those chosen by the influence of the nobles and great families represent the aristocracy, and the remainder chosen by popular elections or by boroughs which are bought or bribed, the independent representatives of the people. Thus the voice of all descriptions of open are to be heard in that house and we are the freest and happiest people in the world, governed and burdened only by laws of our own making. Why then attempt to make people discontented with this admirable constitution How dreadful to think that discontent may lead to a change or to a revolution! —Though I am satisfied from Mr. Jeffrey's writings on such subjects, that he is a shallow and timid politician, an anile alarmist (to borrow another of his epithets), yet being also satisfied from his writings on other subjects, that be is a man of abilities and information, it is utterly impossible that he can be serious in affirming the above to be ajast re

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presentation of the house of commons or such as the people ought to be satisfied with. It is a silly attempt to deceive, to veil a deformity which cannot be concealed and to defend what he must be conscious is indefensible upon the principles of the constitution. When he has thus concentrated the three branches of the legislature in one house, he wishes us to forget, I suppose, that there is still a house of lords, too; so that the nobility, besides their salutary influence in the lower house exercised by their deputies, retain all their former constitutional influence and power by sitting themselves in the upper, and the sovereign still has his constitutional veto besides having his representa

tives so happily for the people sitting amongst their proper representatives. Mr. Jeffrey's taste will be offended perhaps if I remind him of the proverb that “ two to one are odds at “ football.” According to him, though the representatives of the people properly speaking are few, yet their voice is thus heard; which he seems to think is enough though it has no effect in the house. Yes, it is heard out of doors; thanks to the news-paper reporters: only shut the doors of the gallery and you may as well restrict the number of the house of commons to 40 treasury members. Is it to the gallery or the house that the pa

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the house of commons though he contends that a few are necessary and wholesome, he says, placemen we think are letter in per“liament than any were lse.” I wish he would condescend to explain this; for I confess it appears to me at present that the sentiment is equally stupid and profligate-Go on, Mr. Cobbett, in spite of the Edinbur h reviewers, who amidst all their abose are obliged to confess, that the circulation and popularity of your journal cro go to whole very crediałłe to the country : that it should be so and yet not creditable to yourself, is just another of Mr Jeffrey's palpable inconsistencies. Every man of sense od virtue will applaud you, while you write honestly as well as boldly, which I am persuaded you have always done hitherto.— A. B. 28th Sept. 1807. DAN is H EXPETITION. Sir;—The public anxiety being at the

present moment principally directed towards

Denmark, my attention has been attracted by

triotic members now address themselves – nion, “ that the attack upon Denmark was

ISut, is it possible that Mr. Jeffrey can be ignorant that it is said there are members, and not a few who do not come under any of his three classes. attempt to describe ; but, let them be added to the acknowledged treasury members and what figure will Mr. Jeffrey's independent popular set make 2–Hear Mr. Jeffrey: “there

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nour is unimpeachable who sit for venal “ boroughs,” [charming distinction between private and public honour] “how this is ma“naged we do not exactly know. Hohether the frequency of the transaction has legalixed it in the ideas of the world, like the orchard thefts of school boys and the plunder of border chieftains of old, or whether the seat is bought for the young patriot as a living is bought for a young priest, while they themselves are kept pure, we really “ don't pretend to understand." Mr. Jeffrey expresses no indignativu against such infamous traffic. Every thing is for the best, with him, in this best of all possible worlds ; or at least it is the duty of public writers such as you and him to say so for fear of breeding discontent as that may lead to revolution.—I shall make but one more quotation from Mr. Jeffrey. After repeatedly

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admitting that there are too many placemen in A

The fourth class I will not

a letter which appeared in a late number signed an Old Englishman I find therein an apparently candid approbation of the inde. pendence of your opinion on this subject, and an equally open avowal of a difference of sentiment on his side : he applauds as a mask of manly decision the expression of your opi

justifiable upon the plain and intelligible ground, that the measure was necessary for the national safety, and as such fit to be adopted: He upholds with you the rights of England upon the seas, but is unable to found a jus: tification of the Dsnish expedition upon any right, nor “happily” (says he triumphantly) “does the British history affordan instance to practice of a similar conduct to any neut. nation under the canopy of heaven." To this refined philosophical discovery, I would wish to add another, viz. “ not does the British history afford an instance where the power of her rival, France, was be. conne so- predominant, as at the present pe. riod, and when it was less suitable to apply ordinary reasoning to extraordinary tino The writer professes to address neither fools nor knaves, he only addresses those who have no party but their country : ...” this latter class I presume to range myself and to disclaim all party prejudice, yet why to 1, on the occasion of an exception to all for" experience and situations, to take. "P tle argument in the abstract point of view o which he is pleased to state it . . ". broadly admit (says he) the principle this natural injustice may be the source " ". tional benefit, and the docrime of expediency

will overwhelm you as a flood.”—I do not bro 3 y aid it any thing of the kind, but I asso (,, , it it is the quity of every vigorous gove , o' to watch over, and to conduct itseit *, ' , , , to the emergencies in which it may to sed.—The full vindication of the so, adopted towards Denmark, rests upon the information obtained by government of the hostile measures framed at the peace of Tilsit, the public menaces of the * French official paper that the Danes should be joined against us in shutting the Sound, and the knowledge, within recent recollec

tion, that the Danes were made parties to a

similar confederacy scale years ago. What has been may be again, and therefore as an Englishman of no party, giving due credit to the government for time time being, I do look to them for protection, and should consider them unpardonably criminal, if, foreseeing a crisis of danger and hostile confederacy, they took no proper measures to defeat it. Everyday discloses the futility of your correspondent's observations relative to the consent of Russia to Bonaparte's holding the key of the Baltic, or to the degree of estination in which Napoleon holds the consent of the Russian emperer. Nor have the remarks of

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expence of throwing into onr lap the commerce and colonies of the Danes,” I am at a loss to conceive, as nothing appears more perceptible to common sense, than that if he could have collected a fleet of 50 sail of the line, besides numerous frigates, Russians, Danes, Swedes, &c. to annoy usin the northern part of our islands, at the time that he was attempting an attack against the eastern, Southern, and western coasts; I say that nothing could be of more utility than these said Danish hulls of ships, manned by Danish sailors, which an extensive commerce would have enabled them to supply ; and if, by a prompt and decided attack, we should have intimidated the members, and broken the weck of this projected confederacy, what Englishman but must feel grateful to the vigilance of his government 2--It is vastly well in your correspondent to vapour about our safety, ‘ thank God,” not depending upon the hulls of a few Danish ships, but it must be evident to

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posed to us must be an intolerable burthen to the country. times as these, with the experience of Danish weakness in the last war, that an English minister is to wait till the very guns are loaded against the country before he takes measures to prevent the impending mischief?–Too long, as was justly observed in His Majesty's JDeclaration, have we been waging an unequal war with a most inveterate foe, who scruples not to-wood us through the sides of neutrals or by whatever means are in his power, while we through a tenderness for the rights of ethers have been practising the most general forbeerance, till the several countrics have, one by one, been obliged to shut their ports against us and declare for the enemy; but the righteous law of self-defence requires that we should not pursue this system to our own imminent danger, and never was there a moment more proper than the present one for exercising the means of protection dependant on ourselves alone.—No sooner were the conditions of the treaty of Tilsit made pmblic, wherein the Russian Emperor lays himself at the feet of Napoleon, by not only sanctioning the alterations made by lin, in Germany but those to be made, than it was obvious to the most shallow observer that it would lead to a Northern Confederacy : the moment therefore that any step, even in. appearance, was taken towards realising the projected confederacy, it became the day of our ministers to cut the root of it by an instantaneous and vigorous ciort in the quarter most likely to ruin it at one blow. That such, will be the effect of the hostile measure

adopted against the Danis I have not the least

doubt, and those that live a few years will. probably have to commend the foresight that by this means averted a calarnity from the country.—As to the avowal, in lie face of all Europe alluded to by your corresponden', “ that our existence depends on a breach of “ those iaws which hold together the frame “ of the civilised world" it is only necessary ca this subject to recollect that all Larose as: he calls it is now no other than France, and it matters not to us what interpretation sho, puts on our conduct; our folly in allowing so long the noininal independance of states to be a cover for her insidious designs must be now sufficientiy apparent: it is time for us to awake and resort to those means of annoyance against our enemy which he has made. no hesitation to use continually against ourselves.—I am, Sir, yours, &c. A PLAIN ENGL1s is MAN. —— London, - 12th October,

every reflecting imaa that the expense of 1807.

Is it then necessary in such

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