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the ablest a wyers, oud even law itself materially differ ; that it wouli be well to set the subject at set for ever. Does it seem that the character of British stanject is unalienable? Is it seasonavle it should so seen 2 But, whether it is rational or irrational, I deem it absolutely requisite, that it be declared unequivocally by the legislature, or by the executive in every treaty, whether a British subject can or cannot expatriate himself. It is requisite, because should a war break out between this country and a foreign power, we might be involved in all the horrors of a civil war, if a British subject swearing allegiance, to a foreign nation, cannot according to the laws of England expatriate himself; and that man, if taken in arms by either country, would be subject to the penalty of high treason. It is requisite also, because it has been held by persons sitting in judgment upon the claims of creditors on individuals of a foreign nation, that “although the character of British subject is unulienable by the individual," yet the

acceptance of that of sulject of another “ country, bars all right to complain of the “...acts of the latter.” Now, what is this but saying that a British subject cannot expatriate himself, but that having erpatriated himself, he must no more look to his parent country for redress against the acts of his new task masters; here is a declaration that a British subject cannot withdraw his allegiance in one line, and in the next, an ad

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twenty years are not sufficient to enable us

to reconcile difficulties, and expound truly the intent of the statute law as was originally proposed. The statute above mentioned of Henry 8th, apparently admits not of the least ambiguity, until that of James, the enacting of which casts some suspicion upon the existing authority, in such full and annple manner as it was construed prior to the passing of that act. This statute it is not doubted, was intended to prevent persons being reconciled to the Popish religion, but it imports as well the penalty to be extended to persons being withdrawn from their allegiance under certain circumstances, and not in pursuance of their own free and uncontrouled will and pleasure; and the statute of George ist. allows expatriation; had not the statute of Henry 8th been sufficiently strong, that of George seems calculated to free persons from their allegiance, most clearly and unequivocally declaring, that they shall be

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government, and well being of society, that man be.considered upon his birth as enlisted in that state where such birth happens to be, but that by such his birth he becomes a vassal to the soil; that he is for ever incapable of afterwards electing his place of residence;

are ideas too monstruus and absurd to be seriously adopted; but, however, granting such to be the case, upon what mutuality or rational ground is it that this United Kingdom shall countenance that doctrine of permission to subjects of other countries to become her subjects, and yet will not extend the principle where her own subjects are concerned, and desire to become subjects of another country. If such has been considered to be the old law, (indeed I know it has been thus acted upon) it is time that the evil and pernicious tendencies of such absurd . doctrines be done away. If our circumstances, our political interests, our connections are not what they were some hundred years . since, our conduct should be new modelled;

we have undergone repeated changes, and we no longer dread incroachments upon absurd doctrines.—A law clearly and unequi

vocally prohibitory of the removal of Englishmen to foreign countries, (with intent

to expatriate themselves) does not in the catalogue of statute law or custom exist, and such a law appears to me if it were to exist, , subversive of the principles of nature and so

ciety. Still, however, our common as well

as statute law from my foregoing observa

tions, cast obscurity upon the right of expa

triation; and it is meet that by a declaratory

law or stipulation in the treaty, the inconveniences now resulting from inconsiderate expatriation should be guarded against. Would it not be a melancholy thing, for example, if an individual had left this United Kingdom, and become a member of another government, with intent wholly to relinquish any claims upon the British government, but those that every government is boand to extend to the individual of another; or, suppose an Englishman marries a foreigner, (which I believe to be the case with our present ambassador in America), and he chuses to reside in the country where his wife was born, and where her connections and pro- perty may be, (the act of marrying a foreigner entitling him to participate in all the rivileges of such foreign country), and that a war should break out between the two countries, and the expatriated man is found in arms against his native country, and the only consideration remaining is, whether that rhan is to be dealt with as a traitor to his native country. A doubt, however, should not remain for a moment upon such a serious matter, for many hundred persons are in a situation similar to the above. May the horrors of a second war with America be averted: this country has not yetforgotten the evil effects of the first, although more than thirty years have passed away since that took place. But, many Englishmen have sworn allegiance to America, and renounced their native country, and may be brought into serious difficulties in consequence.——I admire the law of America as it stood in 1791, and I believe stands at this time, permitting foreigners to become subject to her: by relinquishing their native countries, pro tempore, they elect to become citizens of the United States, and conforming to certain forms; and that country likewise consents to the new subject continuing subjection no longer than he pleases; for by going into a court and delivering in a resignation of the rights of citizenship, the person is by the law to which I allude immediately expatriated.—The law of England upon such a momentous point should be in like manner clear and unequivocal, either expressly allowing or prohibiting expatriation, and prevent the evil conse* quences which may ensue by reason of the doubtful tendency of the above mentioned topics, otherwise persons unintentionally • may commit errors detrimental to their country as well as themselves, which errors may instead of venial faults be construed into crimes. S. V.-7th Sept.

Irel, AND's INTERNAL SITUATION. Letter 2. ' Sir, –Your having done me the honour

of inserting my letter upon the internal situation of Ireland, in your last Register, of the 28th of August, encourages me to address you again; not that I have any ambition that my own words should appear in print, but I only wish to put you in possession of some things that have occurred to me, which, if worth laying before the public, you will, I hope, do in your own plain and forcible language. In my letter above alluded to, I asserted, that it was my opinion, that to give encouragement to manufacture in Ireland, was the chief, if not the only thing, to be done for the benefit of that country. Now, Sir, on the contrary, with regard to England, I am of opinion, that the overstrained (if I may use such a phrase) encouragement given to manufactures and commerce, has contributed to increase the poor rates, and to render a very considerable part of our population indigent and miserable. From some observations you have occasionally made in your Register, I believe, in this case, you think as I do; but, I perceive in general that you lay most of the blame to the taxes. In my mode of thinking, considerable mischief arises from the taxes, but not so much as may be supposed. The taxes (as l conceive) are part of the wealth, or capital of the country taken from the people, to be applied to feed, clothe, arm, &c. those who add nothing to the common stock. "If the whole, or part of this capital, remained with the different individuals from whom it was received, some would be employed in en

couraging useful labour, some in, giving

encouragement to what would be useless, or peripicious : that part of the capital which

would have given encouragement to useful'

labour, must of course be a national loss. Now, Sir, as I apprehend that manufactures and commerce have been carried to too great an extent in England, I doubt if any part of the capital taken by the taxes, are a loss to the nation, except that part which would have been employed in agriculture. I do not mean to infer from this, that the lands now in a state of culture are badly managed; far from it; generally speaking, they are quite otherwise; and truly, I find little fault with the farmers, except when I see them running into the Irish system, and cultivating potatoes and grain, without keeping a due proportion of cattle and sheep upon their lands': 'but I should not blame the farmers on this account, as I consider the alteration in their former excellent practice, as arising from an act of the legislature. You may recollect, Mr. Cobbett,

at the time of the scarcity, when the lower

classes of our manufacturers, and others,

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were reduced to the greatest distress; that gent, and infirm poor — the Parliament,

many well meaning people filled the news

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then to be divided among us. We had also soup shops, which aggravated the evil, by supplying the idle with what the industrious conclude he was aware that, by encourag

waited. Potatoes were recommended to be more cultivated. At length Parliament thought it necessary to interfere. When I heard that this was to be the case, I certainly had hopes—not that I expected that speeches, or acts of Parliament, would lead to an immediate supply of food—but I was in hopes, that the forest laws and common rights would at length be got rid of; and that those people who received parish relief, and others who were struggling to support themselves, by labourin towns, would find employment in cultivating the waste lands of the island; and I was also in hopes that, instead of the military being permitted any longer, by their idleness and bad example in quarters, to injure the morals of the people, that they also would come in for a share of useful labour. I figured to myself that I saw them encamped, or hutted, upon the wastes of the country, and sometimes employed in cultivating the earth, and at other timés attending to their military duties. 1 imagined 1 saw the artillery horses drawing the plough, and at other times the cannon. I could not help following, in my mind's eye, his Majesty (who is so fond of farming), in his tours to review his troops, sometimes as soldiers, sometimes as agriculturists. How glorious would it be (thought I) for the King to restore what William rendered useless How easy would it be for him, at any time, to indemnify himself for the loss of Hanover by promoting the cultivation of the New Forest and the numerous wastes of his kingdom. Alas! Mr. Cobbett, how have my hopes been blasted; for instead of the legislature passing an act to simplify the laws relating to the inclosure of commons and wastes, and by that means giving encouragement to the bringing into culture a greater breadth of land, in order to supply inore of the necessaries of life for the numerous soldiers, and sailors in the King's service; for the sailors also in the merchant service, together with the mer

chants themselves, the manufacturers, and .

trades-people; for the host of idle gentlemen and gentlewomen, who keep innumerable idle servants and idle horses, to con*ume the fruits of the earth; and lastly, in order to supply provision for our aged, indi.

after much debating, thought that the best method to be adopted was, to give every possible encouragement (and, I believe, a bounty) to farmers to grow potatoes. One person (I think his name - was Buxton) . made an objection to this measure: he said, that it would induce farmers to grow that root on land better suited to other crops. I

ing the culture of potatoes, we ough possibly increase the price of butchers' meat, together with the raw materials absolutely necessary for the manufacture of articles in common use in countries in a state of -civilization. I apprehend, from what has come to pass, it has been proved, he had sufficient reason for giving the opinion he did; for, notwithstanding we have had abundant crops since that time, and no disease or failure among the sheep or the cattle, yet meat has kept up at an enormous price. Many persons now farm their lands with much less stock than they used, and cultivate alternate crops of potatoes and grain, sending both to market. Some few keep back the potatoe crops, and apply them to the fatting of cattle: these last ought to be the best judges whether they answer better than turnips or other roots, but it is acknowledged they are not fit for sheep. Before the legislature interfered, and forced the cultivation of potatoes, the practice, upon all tillage farms, was, to intermix corn, artificial grass, and root crops: the root crops (generally turnips) as well as the grasses, were invariably consumed by the farmer's own stock; by which means there was a constant supply of manure upon the farm, and the land was continually improving, instead of being exhausted. The farmer likewise, with the assistance of the miller, malster, brewer, baker, butcher, clothier, tanner, shoemaker, and tailor, actually furnished almost every necessary of life. Under the Irish potatoe and grain system, without stock, soone of these trades must fail. There can be no objection, however, to potatoes as a crop, if, in their raw .

state, they are found to be as good for sheep

and cattle as turnips, cabbage, carrots, or any thing else: all I contend for is, that they should not be made the chief food of the lower classes here, as well as in Ireland, which they are gradually becoming. Neither does the population, I apprehend, require to be checked (as I have heard it asserted) in either island : nor should any of the inhabitants for would they with proper manage- . ment), that is, encouraging manufactures in Ireland and cultivating the wastes in England... long continue to be fed upon roots. I shall, now observe, that it is not the little niceties, and the little intricacies of farming, that are of such consequence: for instance, whether the land should be ploughed with a swing or wheel plough; whether the broad cast or drill husbandry is the most advantageous; whether the South-down, Leicester, or the cross between the two, are

the best sheep, and such like matters: but

it is absolutely necessary, if we design to have a large army and well-manned and numerous fleets, and that our taxes should produce what they have done, and that our poor rates should be lessened, and that we should not be in dread of famine by one deficient crop, that we should cultivate a greater breadth of land. In England we want more sheep, more cattle, more roots, more artificial grasses, more grain, more hay: in Ireland, coal and manufactures. I therefore say, that if Buonaparté should force us, by shutting us out of the ports of Europe to employ our capital and industry in cultivating the commons and wastes of England, he will, I think, after all, deserve well of this country, as he will thereby increase our resources.—I am, Sir, &c. Sept. 5, 1807. , M. H. --sINKING FUND.

(Being C. S.'s fifth letter, which is particu

Marly submitted to the most serious attention of the Stockholders, Landed and Mercantile interests of the nation.) SHR, As the charges, if I may so express myself, which I have already made against the funding system and sinking fund (see Political Register, Vol. IX. and X. March 15th, April 19th, August 23d, and Oct 18th, 18.0), remain unanswered, and, I believe, unanswerable; and, as you may be, perhaps, satisfied that it is not for want of knowledge, but for want of principle, that your own. and the hints of different writers, given at different times, in the Political Register, as to what the security of the state directs to be done with these funds, have not been attended to, you may hold it as an opimiom, I grant, that I ought to have dropped the subject, and leave sufferings and disap

pointments to correct those evils which have

been hitherto incorrigible to reason and reflection. Perhaps I ought to have done so, because to pursue an useless and a thankless line of conduct is, fin all cases, folly in practice, however wise in theory. But, as you have revived the subject, on July the 25th, by the insertion of A. G.'s analysis of Lord Henry Petty's new plan of find ce; as the circumstances of the times may incline your

readers a little more, to consider the subject of these funds otherwise than a dry and barren study which belongs to statesmen exclusively; and as my object is to shew, upon the authority of Lord Henry Petty, it he is fairly reported, that we have more obstimacy than ignorance to contend with on the part

of those who contend for the advantages of

the funding system and sinking fund, I see no harm I can do by reverting again to the subject, if I do no good. For if there be cases in which errors and delusions, frauds and oppressions, can lead to the happiness and security of the deluded and oppressed, I defy the ingenuity of man to apply any of them to the funding system and sinking fund, and shew that their operations can secure similar advantages to the nation. With respect to the sinking fund, as buing the intmediate subject of my reinarks, I have long held it as an opinion that no man, possessing the common powers of reason, could for a moment mistake its present permicious and ultimate ruinous effect, if he would but attend to the whole of its operations and consequences; to its action and reaction on the nominal value of all reak property; and then to the effect of that nominal value upon the real and relative condition of all classes of the community, Unalterably fixed in this opinion, and so far back as the year 1800, when I attempted to draw the public attention to the discharge of the national debt, as contributing its share, in common with speculation, and deficient crops, towards the pauper manufacturing dearness of that and the preceding year, the sinking fund appeared to me in no other light thau that of an engine invented by sheer ignorance, or employed by interested design, to create false appearances of national power; to raise false hopes of national relief from the confessed, at last, oppression of the funding system; to increase our nominal wealth, or, medium of exchange; and, therefore, to depreciate its exchangeable value, that is, to raise the price of all exchangeable articles, in the proportion which the capital discharged, and consequently thrown into trade, bears to that which was in circulation or trade before any part of the debt was discharged. The idea of discharging the debt, and that of throwing its capital into trade, cannot be separated. As the stockholders cease to be public annui. tants they must, generally, become private traders So some description. And as the capital in trade is by that means increased, so are those calamities, both public and private, heightened, which as naturally result from its depreciated value, as that deprecated value results from any increase of its quantity

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which is not balanced by a corresponding

increase in the productions of agriculture and

manufactures. As every article of trade or

commerce is already in the possession of

owners, the annuitants who go into trade

must buy before they can sell. For instance,

then, the quantity of goods in the market at any given time, is the same in quantity at

another given time, but the sum of modey

owing to the increase of buyers is doubled at

the last period. Consequently, (admitting the prudence or necessity of laying out the

whole of their money) the price is advanced

50 per cent. to all traders; ai d' to the consumer more in proportion to the .# they charge upon their capital; which is a clear deduction from the profits of the old traders. Whereas, had the quantity of goods in the market been doubled also, the price would not have risen any, or rather, the value of money would not have fallen: for, in this case it is not, as commonly expressed, the goods that rose, but the money that fell in value. On this principle, which is irrefutable in itself, and undeniable in its application to the subject of our inquiry; and presuming, that it is naturally impossible to increase the productions of agriculture, and manufacture in a corresponding proportion to the increase which the sinking fund, or discharge of the national debt must make in the circulating medium, or capital in trade, it follows, as cause and effect, that the depreciation of its value, with all its consequent ruin to the funded, landed, and mercantile interests, will be in the proportion in which the increase of capital will exceed that of the productions of agriculture and manufacture, when the sinking fund succeeds in discharging the nation: debt. How far the increase of capital may exceed the increase of these productions, when this admirable fund accomplishes its object, must depend

upon the extent to which the agriculture and

manufactures of the nation is carried beyond their present state. At this extent i will not evea guess; sufficient it is for those to know, who would not go blindfoldedly to destruction, rather than part with the interest which they have in the oppression and plunder of their country, that such extent cannot be equal to the extent of capital which the sinking fund will throw into trade. But, supposing, for the sake of argument, that our agriculture and manufactures, have already found their limit, or, are incapable of extention;. 2. that the present, capital in trade aniqunts to 100 millions f, and that no -H-------------------------------------------

f When Lord Sidmouth-introduced the

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addition is hereafter made to it by the ability of the bank and country banks, to supply the in-gliable cravings of speculation; and, 3. That the funded property amounts to 600 trillions; when the debt is discharged, the capital in trade will annount to 700 millions; the depreciation of it will therefore be in the proportion of seven to one of its present ex

changeable value; and the effect will be,

could human nature endure the wretchedness and torments of the case, that the quartern loaf which now sells for a shilling, must then be sold for 7s. ; that the taxes and tithes, which now amount to above 70 millions, must then exceed 490 millions, if the present establishments are in existence; that the labour lost to agriculture and manufacture in coining and managing the circulating medium, must be seven times greater than it now is ; and that the paupers which now amount to above 1,200,000, must then exceed 8,200,000, supposing the depreciation of money, in its various bearings on the condition of the people, to be the exclusive cause of pauperism. We can admit, Sir, for the sake of argument, that the sinking fund, fed as it may be with paper currency, can li

quidate the claims of the pnblic upon govern

ment and give it time; nay; in 24 hours, if the money could be counted in so short a time; but, as it will -produce the effects I have just described, if our agriculture and manufacture be incapable of extention, one of which is to give government a claim upon the public for taxes to the amount of 490 millions annually, the public will have gained nothing but wretchedness, and the loss of the difference between that sum and the taxes which they now pay. Yet, it is impossible to retreat, and go on with the stunding system, because its interest would amount to the same surn in the course of time, and produce similar effects to the public. What then is to be done since we can neither advance or retreat without plunging ourselves deeper into difficulties? Can we stand still? No! for then the Emperor of the French would tax us still heavier, than we are, or can be; seize upon the commerce of the world, and give the laws upon the sea, as well as upon the land. But something must be done, we must ei her go backward or forward, or stand still, for we cannot fly up into

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