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° swer his purpose, if not the purpose of the publicans: They will, and he well knew,

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. . will-be in a way that he thinks best calcu

they would, receive neither:redress for the

also well knew, that he had done enough to furnish him with the subject of a speech at the Dext election. In his anticipated effects of this he will, however, be disappointed. If, by the act of God or of man, he should

peak to the Electors of Westminster, they

back to his rotten borough.-With respect. to this Gentleman, it never, should '. gotten, that, the mounent the change of mi-r

and a sinecure place for his son, worth. &3,000 a year; but asked for a sinecure. place for himself, for life, worth £4,000 a year more, in addition to his Cornwall sine to cure (also paid out of the pockets of the people)--of about £1,500 a year, And this is the patriot! This is the man, who, by means ' of a motion, or two, which he evidently intends shall produce no-effect, hopes: to gain. popularity, and that, too, amongst the electors of Westminster! His unmeaning motion about the publicans of Westminster-will do them greaty injury. It will add to the disposition-to oppress them; and, they will, even before now, perhaps, have smarted for r his selfish attempt. The matter was put off

to the next session. ..The chances are that

hg will never-revive it; and, if he does, it

lated to answer his own ends and those ends only.--To return, again to the Irish Insurrection, Bill, I should be glad to know how song it is since Mr. Grattan discovered, that there, was a French Party existing in Ireland. . This is of great importance; be-, cause it is not a very long time since he asserted it to be an infamous slander to accuse his countrymen of disloyalty. How it must have gladdened the heart of that departed saint, Pitt, to have heard this confession, this precious confession, from Mr. Grattan And, what gloryisit to his zealous disciples, that they have been able to effect a conversion, which their great-mastery with all his movingsmeans, so long laboured at in vain Mydord Castlereagh has long been famed for his powers of converting political, sin; ners; but, he failed with Mr.Grattan. His time was not come; or, the arguments ap

that it is done, however, it seems to be done completely.—The thing most worthy of observation, is, that, not only was Mr. Grattan a defender of this bill, but was the cause of it; for, it was expressly declared, that the bill was passed, or, at least brought forward, upon the strength of his assertion, that there was, and is; a French party in Ireland, of which French party he has never, I believe, been, known to speak before, much less to express any degree of apprehension at its designs:----If, however, there be a French party in Ireland, it is high time to: think of spine means of putting it down ; ... and, as there is no force, however-great, that ... can restrain the movements of the mind,

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onistry took place, in 1806, he not only ob-. something other than force should be aptained a place of sé4,000 a year, for himself;

plied, - Since I have known any thing of Ireland, I have always been of opinion, anopinion that...I have constantly expressed, , ...that a mere-passing of an act to admit a few. Roman Cathélics; into place would have no. effectrin, curing the great disease of that country; but, if I had not been of this opinion before, I should after reading the letter. of my correspondent in my last Number, :page 338, where the writer has most ably, described the internal situation of Ireland. But, I do not agree with him as to the re-, 'medy which he proposes., Joe seems to think, that we are better-off than the Irish, only because we have more people employ-ed in manufacturing goods; whereass: my opinion is, that the mannfactories are one. source of our: pauperism. We all know, that the manufactures, have ogreatly, in-, creased in quantity, since the beginning-of, Pitt's reign, and we also know, that the paupers have increased; so that, here is nothing, to encourage us to increase the manufacto-> ries of Ireland with a view-of diminishing , the misery of the country. ... If my correspondent would wish to subdue the spirit of, the people, I know of few better ways, than. that of shutting thousands of them up,in a large house and making them work for one man, who rings them, to their labour-andtheir meals by a bell. A hundred of theses, houses in Ireland would certainly render the , people, not contented, but perfectly isppotent; and, if the mere preservation of thes, dominion of the country be all that is wanted, the scheme, if practicable, might be a good one. For my part, however, I should...: rather recommend an abolition, first of the useless offices and emoluments; next a large-

| deduction from the interest paid upon what

plied were: not sufficiently weighty. It re. is called the national debt; and next a

mained for this blessed season, and for the

change with respect to tithes. These would

irresistible arguments of his Grace the Duke | reduce the burdens of taxation, and that

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G&Nrliotes, o

" . I had hately (see this Vol. pages 236 and 257) occasion to address you upon the subject of the present. dispute between our country and the american States; aird, as you will recollett, the address proceeded in the manues of a commentary upon an article, which had just be. . fore appeared in a weekly newspaper, called the sndependent Whig. The writer of that paper had expressed in a tone very vehement, his 'i approbation of what I had, in . my paper of the preceding week, said respecting the dispute in question. I had asserted, that our admiral and his captains had date well in the case referred to, and had expressed my fears, that our ministers were disposed to yield, that they were disposed to give up our right to search ships of foreign nations for deserters from our own ships. This assertion the writer of the newspa above-mentioned had severely attacked; and, as it was a point of great national importance, I thought it right to endeavour to maintain my assertion, by all the authority and all the arguments, which, at that time, suggested themselves to my mind. This I did in the two letters, addressed to you, which I have above referred to ; and, as the writer of the Independent Whig had, subse. quent to the publication of my first letter upon the subject, announced that he was perfectly prepared to answer me, and had been pressed, by many correspondents, to do it without delay, I naturally expected, that, after having taken a week to examine both my letters, he would, in his paper of last Sunday, have published what he regarded as an answer. What was my surprise, then, when, instead of an elaborate defence of the Americans and of their denial of our right of search, I found a very long and uncommonly desultory article upon the sins of Mr. Windharn, ford Grenville, Pitt, Lord Hawkesbury, Lord Melville, Steele, Trotter, Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, and Mr. Cobbett. A great deal, in this article, is true,

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and a great deal of it, though, perhaps, tsue | erfectly false (unintentionally, t Upon |

in the facts, withdet devbt) in the inferences.

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| land's maritime dominion; and, I must say, that it gives me satisfaction to perceive, that

a person whose talents Igreatly respect, and . who has very recently expressed great admi

ration of me, opoa comparing my character

with my argnments in defence of my country's rights, found the former the most vul

merable of the two For, as to any answer,”

which he has in reserve, it is quite incredible that he should have allowed another week to pass without giving it to the public, seeing that the time will be, and, indeed, al-. ready is, gone by, for such answer to pro-, duce any useful effect. Of this he must have been fully aware, and, therefore, I cannot regard his concluding notification, respecting an answer in reserve, in any light but that of a tacit acknowledgement, that he was, for once, in the wrong, which acknowledgement he, doubtless, regards as tanta- ? mount to having inserted (as Lusually do in . such cases) the arguments made use of against him. At any rate, I am convinced. in my own mind, that he will find great difficulty in executing his promised refutation; but, if he should advance any thing which I think of weight in the question, and not too thickly covered with matter quite extra-; neous, I shall not fail to bestow upon it at . tention proportioned in degree to the impor-otance of the subject. ..- ... ". . In the meanwhile, Gentlemen, our time of will not be badly employed in bestowingo. some further consideration upon the subject,” itself, first noticing what we find, in the on public prints, relative to the conduct of they Americans. The article, which I am. A about to insert for your perusal is, it appears, or taken from a paper published at Norfolk, in Virginia, on the 13th of July last. This atticle is entitled: “Saune Retaliation.” It is in these words: “Last evening an express “ arrived at head-quarters to the command“er, General Matthews, from Capt. Shep“ herd, of the troop of cavalry stationed “near the Cape. The intelligence the ex“press brought is of great importance: it announces the first act of retaliation for the outrages of the British squadron. The substance of the intelligence, as far as we

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“ are informed, and our information may be “telied on, is, that a boat with five men, “viz. two midshipmen and three sailors, “was seen to land on Thursday evening, “on the east side of the inlet; the people “carte on shore, and were fired at by a de“tachment of militia under the command “of a lieutenant from Kempsville. They "retreated and took refuge in the woods. “Information having been given to Captain “Shepherd of the place to which they had

“retired, it was in mediately surrounded. |

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“In the morning they were discovered, “and surrendered themselves prisoners “without resistance. The boat and arms “rn board of her have been taken possession * of; and the men are now prisoners at Mr. “Lemuel Cornick's waiting the orders of “the general."—This account, which bear, so exact a resemblance to Gay's journal of the wars against the geese, ducks, and thicken in a farm-yard, you will 'sardly believe to be serious; but, I, who know the heroes well, also know, that they will boast of this exploit, through columns upon columns of their base aud stupid newspapers; nor should I be at all surprized, if we were to find, that the several town-meetings in Virginia had sent addresses of thanks to the

Lieutenant, who caused a detachment of

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Father and mother and I •
And two or three lusty men

* ~. Beat a poor little boy

ro Till he cou’d n't go or stand.” This bit of an old burlesque ballad, though it has neither rhime nor measure, is most eloquently descriptive of the heroism of the American militia, upon all other occasions that Fhave heard of, as well as upon this. Gentlemea, jet me ask you, whether you would have thought this an act worthy of being boasted-of as an act of national retahation ? If, under similar circumstances, an American boat, so manned, had come into any of our rivers, would either of you, having the command of a detachment of soldiers, have ordered these soldiers, to fire at two boys and three men 2 Would you have boasted of being able to make them “ retreat?" Would you have thought it necessary too" surround" them? And, would you have cried victory!' victory; when they surrendered “without resistance?” No : there is not a single Briton or hishman, in what. ever state of life he may be found, in whose. mind sentitneuts so base could possibly exist. This achievement together with the account of it is well worthy of the Americans; perfectly châracteristic of their minds and their

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. American paper, are also worthy of atten

tion.-" We are authorised to state, that “ in consequence of information received that the 3ritish squadron had departed from Hampton Roads, and had taken a station off our Capes, the Executive have suspended the march to Hampton of the 300 militia ordered out, from Gen. White's brigade. They have been permitted to return to their respective homes, with orders to hold themselves in readiness to take the field at a moment's warning. —We understand, that on application, being made to the Secretary of the Treasury, on the subject of the President's juroclamation, he has advised, that its prohibitions are not meant to include British merchant vessels. although armed and tearing letters of marque--it has been stated in several papers that Mr. Erskine was at Washington when a discussion relative to the seamen took place between Mr. Maddison and that Minister, who had consented to wave atl claim to then.— Mr. Erskine, we are well informed, denics that his opinion was ever asked, or that he ever gave any upon the subject, and we moreover understand that he has expressed a wish that the report should te contradicted.—We notice this merely with a view to present a correct statement of facts, for we usever look to hut. one point in this case, and which is, that under no circumstance whatever, should a national ship be visited, or her crew unustered, lut by her own officers, , The ship, like our territory, in ust be sacred, or, we are not independent."—The real cause of suspending the march of the 500 militia, ... I should suspect to be, that the said 500 nilitia were not, and could not be collected, and, if collected, not kept together for five days, much less be nuade to march to , Hampton, or to any other place, ten miles from home, ... Every man, capable of bearing arms, is a militia man in the American states. I belonged to that respectable body for seyeral years; but never did I join it for one moment in my life; and, what is more, I never, personally happened to know any man that did. '.. I never saw that militia out at 'parade, or drill, nor any portion of it; and, though I was told, that some few men, unable to pay a half-crown fine, sometimes

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did attend, with sticks and staves for arms, I

cannot say, that I believed the fact... When }

a paltry insurrection took place in Pennsylvania, the men, called out, positively refused to march; and, at last, men: of property, and those principally, from other States; consented to march only upon condition that, Washington would go with them himself. The men, who had the honour to attack and defeat our two boys and three sailors, were, depend upon it, a numerous rabble, armed with their fowling pieces, quite sufficiently to be dreaded (for they are excellently expert at a dead mark), but still:to be dreaded. less than those thumbs and teeth of theirs, with, which, in the Southern States, they gouge out men's eyes and bite their flesh. The mildest possible construction is, it seems, put upon the President's Proclamation. He will touch merchant vessels in no shape, whether equipped for war, or not. The object is,..perhaps, to inveigle our mer-ochants to his side, who, in truth, as we have seen, do not want much inveigling.". His Fo is a mere huff. It is wind.' It". is an empty shew to please the numerous enemies of England; and so it will clearly appear to be; before four months have passed over our heads. They cannot go to war with" ws, without bringing certain ruin upon their - * - - - *

own heads. . . . . . . . . . -

That Mr. Erskine, whose appointment to the station of English minister in America, H remarked, upon at the time (see Register, Vol. X 20 Dec. 1806) may, for aught I know to the contrary, have “consented to waive his claim” to the sailors who had deserted ; but, it does not follow, that Admiral Berkeley, had consented to waive his claim, or rather, the claim of his country. I know, very well how Mr. Erskine would feel upon such an occasion; indeed I knew beforehand how he would feel; and, I am not at all surprised, that he should have expressed a wish, that the report of his having' given-gn opinion upon the subject should be contradicted... I am not at all surprised at this; for, I have before seen English consuls and ministers in America. But,' Mr. Erskine's opinion was not wanted by Admiral Berkeley, who had quite sufficient authority for what he did.' -- • * -

The Americans tellius, that they look to. but one point, and that is “ that, under no “circumstance whatever, should a national. “ ship be visited, or her crew mustered, but . - } her own officers; the ship being, like * {h

eir 4 critory, sacred, or they are not in-h

“, dependent." It is a curious and some. what droll, idea, that a nation cannot bein

on the seas. reconcile themselves to it as they may, we shall, I trust, insist upon the rights, which ancient usage, and our undisputed power, give us of searching'all ships whatever for British seamen, wben we have reason to suspect that they are to be found on board; and, if the ministers should be so base as to recall Admiral. Berkeley for ordering the Chesapeak to be searched; he will easily be able to prove, not only that England has always claimed this right of search; but that all her naval commanders, from the admiral of the fleet down to the captain of the smallest ship, is, even to this day, not only permitted to enforce this right, but absolutely ordered to enforce it, in cases where the enforcement may be required, and where he has the means of enforcement: The only error committed by Admiral Berkeley, was, his ordering the Captain of the Leopard to permit the American to search the Leopard, if he chose. That he had no authority to do; but, to search the American he had full and and complete authority, and, if attempted to be punished, he has it in his power to cover the ministers with shame. ** - * * * * What nonsense, then, Gentlemen, was it that the Morning Chronicle r. this subject. What a scandalous thing was it, to set up a cry against our naval com" manders for having done, not what was proper merely, but what they were commanded to do. But, as I'had before the honour to observe to you, the faction of which that paper has always been the slave, seem to have a feeling, in all cases, against their country;' and especially when the American States is a party in the dispute." Against peculators," against plunderers of every description, it is not very bitter. viewers (as a correspondent has pointed out in another page of this sheet) it cab find an apology for corruption, for flagrant corruption, even for the buying and selling of seats. in parliament. It can, like them, coolly calculate the cost of corruptions, and drily tell us, that, if we could put . to all of

almost avowedly hope to share, we should not save above a million of money annually, pretending not to perceive, that the mere' amount of the brile is a trifle compared to the effects of that bribe. In these matters, and in all cases wherein the general interests of the factions are concerned, the Morning Chronicle, like the Edinburgh Reviewers, can be very lenient. The reason, is, that neither has any o: at all, either for tha.'

dependent, unless it has an indisputable right

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people, or for the ho our of the country; , \ , , . . . i ' ' -- * * * * *

to send its ships whithersoeverit pleases up. " t, leaving the Americans to

Like the Edinburgh Re

them, in which the Reviewers evidently and

they are zealous only where the particular interests of their faction and themselves are at stake. - But, what I like in them the least

of all, is, that there never, even by accident,

drops from their pen any sentiment whence we can reasonably conclude that they love this country better than, another for any reason besides that of its being likely that they shall be able to make more of it. # is a coldness in their principles and opinions that I hate. Adam sole guide. The gain, the mere pecuniary, and even present, gain of the thing is all they appear to look at. Such men will always be ready, if it squares with their selfish views, to take part against their country in any dispute which it may have with a foreign nation, whatever may be the justice of the case; and, to talk to them of national honour is like singing to a man that has been born deaf. - , One of the chief merits, in my eyes, of Sir Francis Burdett, is, that he has, upon no occasion sided against his country. To do this nothing has ever provoked him. In all his eomplaints against corruptors and plunderers, amidst all the expressions of his resentment, I never perceived him leaning towards the enemies of England. He was not one of those who expressed their joy at the conclusion of the peace of Amiens. He has never been found amongst those, who have taken occasion to recommend fawning language towards any foreign power. He has censured the wars of Pitt, and who does not now see, that the censure was well-founded; but, while he has been accused of allmanner of political crimes, no man can cite the passage wherein he took part against his country. It is not pretended, that cases may not arise, wherein it may become a man's duty

to defend the cause of another nation against his own; but, in the case before us, the

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mith seems to be their

- At the peace of Amiens this recognition was omitted; and, since, that peace,

ther act of the same sort. Those Lillies were a memorial, that Englishmen once conquered France; and, what baseness was it in us, or rather in Pitt, to give up this memorial? But, from ministers bent solely upon their own gains, what else is to be expected 2 Amidst the divers cares of corruption the country is quite forgotten. You have always seen, that, in proportion as the nation has been oppressed at home, its rights abroad have been disgregarded by its rulers; and, on the other hand, that the overthrow of corruption and peculation has always been accompanied with a renovation of the spirit and the power of the nation.

... To return, for a little, to the dispute with

America; I think the ministers will not yield

our right to search foreign ships, of whatever description, for British seamen. I think they will not dare to do this; and, I hope, notwithstanding the terrible, circumstance of their being the disciples of Pitt, that they are not disposed to do it. But, I am almost certain, that their predecessors would have done it. You saw with what eagerness Mr. Whitbread caught hold of the affair between the Leopard and the Chesapeak. How, even upon a bare report of that affair, he called upon the ministers to disclaim the or. der to search, and to express, at once, their disapprobation of the officers, by whom the search had been ordered and executed. Here you had a sample of that disposition, which has always been apparent in Mr. Whitbread and his associates. They gave themselves no time to inquire; no time to consider; forth they came like avowed ad

vocates of our insidious enemies, and their

subservient print followed their example." This print is now become quiet upon the subject. It is waiting to see if no favourable opportunity will offer itself for resuming the pleadings.

detesting it. It is truly curious, that, durio all the disputes that we have had with the Americans, since the end of the war, with them, this Morning Chroniclp has been steadily upon their side; but, observe, when the , Americans were engaged in a quarrel with France, then the Morning, Chronicle was against them! Our concessions to the Ame- : ricans, our submission to thern, have been r shameful. . The items of our baseness in this way would, line under line, fill this sheet. . If our very existence had depended upon their absolute will, we could not have been more submissive than we have been. And, the cause of this has been, not an anxious desire in ourseveral sets of ministers to spare either our money or our blood, but to favour

There is something so un natural in this conduct, that one cannot help

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