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empire, your petitioners being fully convinced, both from history and experience, that however religious distinctions may have supplied a pretext, a spirit of political monopoly has been the actuating principle of civil dissention, and of that unhappy national mis
understanding, which has so long injured"
the character, and lessened the value of this island.——For your petitioners are strongly impressed with the conviction, that the continuance of the disqualifying laws is not only incompatible with the freedom and happiness of the great body of the Irish people, and detrimental to the resources of the state ; but, as it is calculated to damp the ardour and divert the attention of the nation to partial interests and party dissentions, from measures of general security, may eventually prove injurious to the strength and stability of the empire.—Your petitioners, with a deep sense of gratitude, acknowledge that they are indebted to the wisdom and liberality of the parliament of Ireland, and to the paternal interposition of his Majesty for the removal of many of the disabi
lities and incapacities under which they la
boured ; and they refer, with confidence in the justice of their cause, to the solemn and memorable declaration of the Irish legislature: “ That from the uniform and peace“ able behaviour of the Roman Catholics of Ireland for a long series of years, it appeared reasonable and expedient to relax the disabilities and incapacities under which they labour, and that it must tend “ not only to the cultivation and improvement “ of this kingdom, but to the prosperity and strength of all his Majesty's dominions, “ that his Majesty's subjects of all denomi“ nations, should enjoy the blessings of a “ free constitution, and should be bound to “ each other by mutual interest and mutual affection.”—And your petitioners most solemnly declare, that they do not seek, or wish in any way to injure or encroach upon the rights, privileges, possessions, or revenues, appertaining to the bishops and clergy of the Protestant religion as bylaw established, or to the churches committed to their charge, or to any of them; the extent of their humble supplication being, that they may be governed by the same laws, and rendered capable of the same civil offices, franchises, rewards and honours, as their fellow subjects of every other religious denomination.—May it therefore please this Honoorable House to take into its consideration the
statutes, penal and restrictive, now affecting.
the Catholics of Ireland, and to admit them to the full enjoyment of those privileges, which every Briton regards as his best inhe
ritance; and which your petitioners most humbly presume to seek as the brethren of Englishmen, and co-heirs of the constitution. And your petitioners will ever pray, &c.
PRopositions subMITTED TO PARLIAMENT,
By MR. WIND HAM AND Lord Castle
R EA G H RESPECTING THE STATE OF THB
ARMY — August 13, 1807.
Mr. WINDHAM'S PLAN.
No. I. That the effective strength of the
army was, Regular. Militia. Total.
1806 173,600 75,182 248,782 1807 181,856 77,211 239,067 A reduction having in the mean time taken place of a local corps of 3000 men and upwards, in the Island of Ceylon.
2. That the provisions of certain Acts of Parliament, passed during the year 1806, and having in view the better ordering of the army, and the improvement of the condition of the non-commissioned officers and soldiers took effect from the 24th of June in the said year.
3. That from the 1st of July following, the number of recruits raised for the Regular Army (exclusive of those raised for Foreign or Colonial Corps, and 650 men for a regment commanded by the hon. Colonel Dillon) was,
On 1st of March
4. That on the 25th October, 1806, the bounty to recruits was reduced,
Cavalry, from £13 8s. to £8 3s,
Infantry - - 16 16. -- 11 11.
5. That the number of recruits raised for the Regular Army in Great Britain and Isoland, according to the Adjutant General's Returns, was, in the first six months of
By ordinary Additional Total
itecruiting Force 1805 - - 6,736 - - 4, 187 - - 10,923 1st:5 - - 4,049 - - 4,834 - - 10.783 1807 - -1 1,413 - - - - - - , 1,413
6. That aujongst the numbers, raised in the first six months of 1805, are included 3,059 raised by Officers recruiting for rank: , 7. That the men raised under the Additional Force Act, were for Home Service only, and might be of any height, not ** than five feet two inches, and of any age between 18 and 45.
8. That in the Regular Army no man could be received but between the ages of 18 and 30, and of a height not less than five feet four inches; the standard for men not entering for General Service, but choosing their own regiments, being five feet five inches, and for the Guards and Cavalry still higher.
9. That by recruits raised by ordinary recruiting, are meant men raised either at the head-quarters of regiments, or by the Recruiting Districts, late under the superntendance of the Inspector General.
10. That according to the War Office Return of Recruits, for whom bounty has been drawn, as raised at the head-quarters of Regiments in Great Britain, and the Inspector-General's Return of the numbers raised by the recruiting districts, the produce of the ordinary recruiting was, during the first six months of
He ao Qorters *"... By no.
That the regular army has been progressively increasing, previous to the establishment of the new system of levying men, as follows; the amount being,
On the 1st July 1804 - - - 141,740 l)itto 1805 - - - 162,097 Ditto 1806 - - - 175,997
3. A. That the number of recruits raised quarterly for the Regular Army, between the 1st March 1805, and 1st March 1800, when the repeal of the additional Force Act was determined on, was (exclusive of foreign and colonial levies, and of men transferred
from the militia) as follows: Nitrnher Rate raceti. per Ann.
1st Quarter ending 1st July 1805 - 4,865 - 19,460
2d Ditto 1st Deč, 1805 - 4,252 - 17,008 3d Ditto 1st Jan. 1806 - 4,7G) - 19, 160 4d Ditto 1st April 1806 - 6,096 - 24,384
3. B. That the number of men raised as above, between the 1st April 1805 and 1st April 1806, was 20,003; the number between July 1806 and July 1807, 17,689, b-ing 2314 less than in the former year; whereas the number of boys included in the 17,680, exceeded by 1,076, the number included in the 20,003, the preceding year's produce. 3. c. That while the number of men ob. tained for regular service, including men transferred from the Militia (and exclusive of foreign and colonial levi's) was, between July 1805 and July 1803. 33,0:13 men; between July 1800 and July 1807, 20,681, being 13.01.2 men less than in the preceding year, exclusive of the services of the men raised in the latter year being determinable in seven or ten years, according to the tern's of their inlistment. 3. D. That whilst the number of men levied in the latter year was less than in the former, as stated in the preceding resolutions, an annual additional charge of 4.450,000 increased Pay and Pensions to the Army, has been incurred, as an encourageinent to induce men to inlist, being at the rate of about 25 pounds per man on the number of men raised within the year; and which expence must be hereafter largely increted, in proportion as the pensions on 14 and 21 year's service come into operation. 3. e. That during the former year the Recruiting Parties did not exceed in a 'unber 405; that in the latter year they have been increased to 1, 1 13, exclusive of above 400 extra Recruiting Officers; and from 8th December 1806, 54 second bittalions have been recruiting, under an intimation, that if they did not raise 430 men i: six months, the Bittalions would be the reduced, and the Oshicers placed on Half Pay; which extraordinary increase of the diamber of Recruiting
Parties must be considered not only as highly preju cial to the discipline and efficiency of the Army, but, as so much expence incurred for the levy of men, a distinguished from the performance of Regimental Doty. 3. F. Tha' whilst the number of men ras ed as above for the Regular Service, has in the latter year been reduced, the proportion of desertions in the a my serving at Hoole has been rather incre ised, the proportion being, in the live successive half-yearly periods, as follows; . - Desertions in Army at Home: Jan. 1805 to July 13 5 - - - 1 in 104 July 1805 to Jan. 1806 - - - 1 in 152 Jan. 1806 to July 1806 - - - 1 in 275 July 1806 to Jan. 1807 - - - 1 in 343 Jan. 1807 to July 1807 - - - 1 in 230 4. That the expence of Levy Money for General Service has been reduced—for Ca valry, from 191, to 15l. 4s. 6d. ; and for Infantry, from 22]. 8s. to 1 Sl. 12. 0d. But the term of service has also been redu ed., from Service for Life, to Service for ten and seven years, which supposes two additional periods of enlistment, and consequently two additional Bounties in the course of a service of 21 years, exclusive of the additional pay and pêusions above referred to 6. That among the number raised in the first 6 months of 1807, being 1 1,41 I men, 8,035 have been raised by the 54 Second Battalions; that is, by Officers, recruiting to - *~ avoid reduction. 7, and 8. That, with the exception of 6,242 men transferred to Garrison. Battalions, all men raised under the Army of Reserve and Additional Force Aoss have beca since enlisted into the Line, being to the Age and height required by his Mjesty's Rogola; tions; o amongst the men so transferred to Garrison Battalions, are included all met! who did not choose to enter for General Service, without refereuce to age or height. 11. That the men volunteering from li mited to unlimited service, from the 1st July 1805, to 1st January 1807, received 10 guineas bounty for only extending their service from local to general service; whereas-before that period (the bounty being the same), the men transferring themselves to the line, exchanged their service, not only from home to foreign service, but from scovice limited in point of time to service for life; and the men in the latter period, who refused to
transfer their services, were ordered to be
and are to be charged for such, an
ances granted to Volunteer Corps of Artillery and Infantry, tà men enrolled subsequently to the 24th July, 1806; and permitting the said corps to assemble upon permanent pay and duty; and determining he charge for inspections. I The some pay and allowance as are granted to those members of Volunteer Soo, , of Artillery and Infantry, enrolled
prior to the 24th July, 1800, are extended.
from the 25th of April, 1807, to those men who may have been enrolled therein subsequently to the 24th July, 1806, or who may be enrolled hereafter, not exceeding the essablishment et the corps. Should any met be enrolled beyond the establishment, they are, as formerly, to be considered as supernumeraries—II. Srch men as may have been enrolled between the 24th of July 1806, and the 25th of April, 1807, can only be permitted to be charged for from the latter date. III. Such volunteer corps of artillery and infantry as shall not have exercised more than 10 days in the present year, have the option of assembling upon permanent pay and duty, under the conditions of the regulations which were in force in the year 1805. – IV. No corps is to be assembled for less than 10, or more than 14 days; and in no instance are the number of days of exercise (including the days of inspection) and the number of days on perman&nt duty (including the days on the march) to amount together to more than 25 : but it is understood that all volunteers shall muster for drill and exercise one day in each week that may be entitled to exemptions—V. The non-commissioned officers, drummers, and private men, will be
entitled to receive is per diem, each, as
marching or bounty money, for the number of days They shall be assembled on permoment duty, over and above the pay and alis,...ances of their respective ranks. This joyos wiłł, as formerly, be issued, in England, by the Receiver-General of the County, j. Scotland, by the Collector of the Cess. VI. This permission to Volunteer Corps of Artillery and Infantry, to assemble on permanent pay and duty, regard only the present year ; such duty must, therefore, i.e performed previously to the 25th Dec., 1807.-VII. Those corps which may be dous of thus assembling, must appy.” ilotofore, through His Majesty's Lio. ont of the county, to the Secretary for the ii. Department.—VIII. No extra P" is allowed for days of inspection; they are to be considered as ordinary days of exo d to form part of the 26 days for which pay allowed in the year. J. PU LTENEY.
"Sir, the last House of Commons, being sensible how narrowly this Nation escaped being ruined by a “sort of Monsters called Pensioners, which sat in the late Long Porlament, had entered into a Considera“tion how to prevent the like from coming into future Parliaments; and, in order thereto, resolved, That “ they would severely chastize some of those that had been guilty, and make the best Laws they could to “ prevent the like for the future; and for that purpose a Committee was appointed, of which Mr. Serjeant * Gregory, now Judge Gregory, was Chairman ; by which, many Papers relating to that Affair, came to “his Hands. Sir, I think it a business of so great Importance, that it ought never to be forgotten, nor
"the Prosecution of it deferred. I have often heard, that England can never be destroved but by it elf: .
“ to have such Parliaments, was the most likely way that ever yet was invented I remember a great “Lawyer said in this House, when it was debated in the last Parliament, “That it was Treason;" and he . **any learned Arguments to make it out, whether it be so or no, 1 will not now offer to debate;
but I think, that, when those that are the Legislators of the Nation are guilty of taking Bribes, to
'' undermine the Laws and Government of this Nation, they ought to be chastized as Traitors. It was , my Fortune to sit here a little while in the Long Parliament ; 1 did observe that all those that had
"Pensions, and most of those that had offers, voted all of a side, as they were directed by some
... great Officer, as exactly as if their Business in this House had been to preserve their Pensions and Offices,
. and not to make Laws for the good of ukem that sent them kere. How such Persons cou d any way be - oul for the support of the Government, by preserving a fair Understanding between the King ind his -- !eople, or, on the contrary, how dangerous they must have been, as instruments to brig in Arbitrary -- Power, I leave to every Man's Judgment. They were so far from being the true Representatives of the -- People, that they were a distinct middle interest, between the King and the People; and their chief -- business was to serve the end of some great Minister of State, though ever so opposite to the true In... rest of the Nation. , Sir, this business ought never to fall, though there should be over so many - Porogations and Dissolutions of Parliaments, before anything be done in it; I think it is the Interest of the Nation, that it should be prosecuted from Parliament to Parliament, as if there were an Im... Poohment in against them. And, therefore, Sir, I would humbly move you to send some Members ‘ of this House to Judge Gregory, for the Papers he hath taken in his Custody relating to this Affa T, that * you may, in convenient tinie, proceed furteer herein, as you shall think good. And, Sir, being there is a Report, that some of this House have now made a Baigain at Court for great Offices, in order design to cast a Reflection on such Members; yet, in order to satisfy the World, and vindicate this t- House from the suspicion of their approving of such a practice, I pray, Sir, let there be a vote past, - * no Member of this House shali accept of any office under the Crown, during such time as he continues a Member of this House." Speech of Sir Francis Winnington, in the House of Commons, December so, 1630. - -- After a debate the House came to the following Resolutions.—1. “That the several Writings, Papers, and
Proceedings, relating to such Members of the late Long parliament, who received Allowances out of the '' Money appointed for Secret Services, be produced to this House.” 2. Nem, ron., “That no Member
of this House shall accept of any office or Place of Profit, from the Crown, without the leave of this
“House ; nor any Promise of any such office, or Place of Prefit, during such time as be shall continue a
“Member of this House; and that all OHeiders herein shall be expelled.”—Journals of the House of ''
Commons, vol. IX. p. 695. 353]—------------— ---- - [354 SUMMARY OF POLITICS. | refused to tell the Honourable House who it
PRoceedixgs. IN PARLIAMENT (conti- was that he gave it to ; whereupon the Ho-so
nued from page 338). The mode of is- nourable House committed him to jail.— suing Election Ił'rits became a subject of Mr. Barham, one of the members, espoused discussion, towards the close of the session. the cause of the attorney's clerk; and said. The occasion was this: Mr. Jeffery, mem- that, while all the members well knew what ber for Poole, complained, that the writ, for was the practice in this case; while no one holding the election for that place, had been of them scrupled to talk fainiliarly upon the unlawfully kept back from the returning subject out of doors, it was a shame to talk, officer, in order to serve the private ends of in doors, as if no such practices existed.— one or more of the candidates. The cause The practice was described to be this: that of detention, or rather the early possessiou the messenger of the great seal, instead of of the writ, was traced to an attorney's sending the several writs by express, to do clerk, who was brought, to the bar of the which to each place he is allowed so much a Honourable House. The Honourable House mile, gave the writs to particular persons ordered him to tell who it was that he gave who applied for them; that these persons, the writto; but he, allodging, that to make who wanted to have it in their power to such discovery, would be a breach of honour, hasten, or retard, the day of election, became - - M
to vitate and corrupt their Votes in this slouse; which may perhaps, be a false report and invented with .
his messengers; but, in fact, that they paid
him pretty handsomely for his granting them the favour.—Anything more foul; any thing better calculated to defeat the profess‘ed purposes of the writs’; any abuse more. daring and scandalous cannot well be conceived. What, however, was done, upon the discovery, upon the open avowal, updf the undisputed and indisputable allegation of it? Was the offender punished No, Was he reprimanded ? No. Was he desired to do so no more ? No. Was he even blamed? No. Not even blame; but, the old panacea, an act of parliament, was proposed, in erder to prevent the delay of the arrival of writs, in future. A bill was brought in by
Mr. Barham, with a view to its being passed
early next session, containing a long string of regulations for the transmitting of writs by the post. That these regulations will be less likely to be observed than the former regulations is, I think, certain; because, passing through so many hands, the writ may, at some place or other, be detained, for several days, without the possibility of proving any particular person to have committed the crime of wilful detention. But, the circumstance most worthy of notice, and, indeed, the only one worthy of much notice, as tending to expose the real state of things, is, that Mr. Barham, proposed to make provision, that the present messenger of the great seal, as he would suffer a diminution of his emoluments by putting a stop to the sale of writs, should, for his life, receive, in lieu thereof, a compensation out of the public purse 1 I dare say now, that Mr. Barham is a great man for the constitution, which, indeed, he talked a good deal ahout at the time of proposing this measure. Oh, the invaluable comstitution? It is an invaluable thing to some people, as Sir Francis Burdett observed upon the occasion of the advertisement of Lady Sálisbury. That abuses, by whomsoever committed, if they are but committed against the public, are pretty sure to pass with impunity, when discovered, we have sufficient experience of . Upon this point both factions seem to be perfectly agreed, seem to be animated with one and the same soul; but, that, an abuse, when discpwered and exposed, should have its gains, when taken away by putting a stop to the thing, compensated for, and that, too, by an act of parliament, is, I must confess, something new, even in England. When
a man has been detected “ in frauds upon a
penny; he is made to refund all his gains as far as they can possibly be ascertained, and is heavily fined into the bargain. What a contrast ! And yet, what difference is there in the two cases, except that, in this latter, the man only retains that which, were it not for a taxing law, would be his own 2 —This bill of Mr. Barham's is, comparatively speaking, a matter of small importance in itself; but, when viewed as a specimen of the manner in which abuses are considered by those who have, at present, the power to redress them, it is of great importance; it throws a clear light upon their inclination as to such mitters; it can leave no doubt in our minds as to their motives; it is conclusive as to what we have to expect from them. III. The Irish Insurrection Bill met with very little opposition in the Lords' House of Parliament; and, in the other House one hardly knows which to admire most, Mr. Grattan's conduct, in becoming the chief supporter of the bill, or Mr. Sheridan's in making no opposition to it, until it was too late, until he knew, until he must have known, that it was too late for his oppostion to produce any effect. Indeed, he did not oppose the bill; he only talked about it, loudly talked about it; but, at the
same time took care to say, that he could
not oppose it; and, when it was passed, called for an inquiry into the necessity of passing it! This was just one of his old tricks to obtain popularity; to catch the applause of the unwary and the ignorant; and to support, with the help of play ticketbribed editors of newspapers, a reputation for the possession of that which he never possessed; namely, a regard for the liberties and happiness of the people, that people, in the odium of ertracting sacrifices from whom, he, in the hour of his Westminster triumph, all covered with play-house laurels and street-dirt as he was, boasted that he was ready to take his full share, to which he might safely have added, that he was ready also to take his full share of the amount of such sa- crifices.—Of exactly the same description was his motion relative to the publicans' licences. He promised the people, in CoventoGarden, that he would bring in a bill to pre- : vent the Potice-Magistrates from having it in their power to ruin the publicans that had voted, or might vote, for Sir Francis Burdett; and, what did he do? He did nothing till the close of the session, and then he proposed a bill to extend to the power of all justices of the peace, in all parts of the kingdom; a bill that he knew would never pass; and, indeed, a bill that ought not to pass. But, as he imagined, he did what would an