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including the gardener's house; besides which, there are about fourteen acres of very good pasture land, on which I, have fatted sleep. The shrubbery consists of about two acres. –Q. 8. What will be the annual expence of keeping this shrubbery in proper order 2—A. For perhaps half of what the garden might let for. Q. 9. From whom do you receive the rent for the land occupied by the military work; and from whom for the house and premises 2—A. For the land, from the Receiver General of the County of Essex; and for the house, from the Barrack Office. Q. 10. Were any considerable repairs wanting to make the house habitable —A. The house wanted painting; but I cannot conceive that it

wanted any considerable repairs, as three or four years before I had entirely new cover

cd it.—Sir Henry Mildmay having attended the same day to sign his examination, desired to add to his answer, No. 5, that the house was let furnished. H. P. S. MILDMAY.

FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPERS. TuRKEY AND Russia.-Manifesto of the Porte against Russia.

... (Concluded from Vol. XI. p. 1140.)

. . When the Porte, with great propriety, requested of the Russian Minister at Constantinople, that these proceedings should be desisted from, an evasive answer was always returned, and no disposition whatever was shewn to make a becoming reparation.—The Conduct of the Court of Russia seems always to have been actuated by a spirit totally contrary to the terms on which she had ... herself to the Porte. Both empires had agreed that Russia had no superior control over the Republic of the Seven Islands, which had acknowledged the sovereignty of the Sublime Porte. Each power had given that Republic a guarantee. When circumstances required troops to be marched into these territories, both the allied powers were to furnish them jointly, and the constitution of the Republic was fully established, acknowledged and approved of by both powers. Notwithstanding this convention, the Russian Court sent as many troops as they pleased to these Islands; a constitution was framed at St. Petersburgh, and transmitted to this republic, the offices in which were filled up by Russia, as if it were a country which lawfully belonged to her. Besides all this, these Islands were made a receptacle for the Turkish subjects

from Romelia, who were either secretly or publicly seduced from their allegiance; and

protection has been thus held out to traitors af, every description. Not satisfied with this, there was no intrigue which was not

resorted to against the ministers of the Sublime Porte in these islands and particularly

against his Excellency Ali Pacha of Janina. —The Sublime Porte has resolved to observe the most conscientious neutrality towards the powers of Europe now at war; and the Russian court, which observed none of the rules of neutrality, and also sought to destroy that of the Porte, abused the privilege allowed her of sending her ships through the Black Sea for the use of the Seven Islands alone. The Russians, by means of their emissaries, secretly collected troops in Albania, and transmitted them, by means of the above privilege of navigation, to Italy, without the knowledge of the Porte. Russia seemed determined to disturb the peace of mankind, when she excited, by means of her emissaries, an insurrection at Montenegro, when she marched troops into the very heart of the Turkish capital, and committed a variety of other acts tending to provoke hostilities.—With the same views, Russia publishedpatents in the Provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia, and appropriated to herself inhabitants without number, under various pretended titles. She treated botb these provinces as if they were her own possessions: her consuls took a share in their administration: she pestered with constant complaints and hostile demonstrations the Hospodars who had been named by the Porte, and who did not fulfil her wishes, and openly protected all such as testified an adherence to Russia; so that the nomination by the Porte of the Hospodars of these two provinces became an object of derision.—Although every item of this conduct of Russia'might be a justifiable ground for a declaration of war, yet the Sublime Porte always evinced the utmost patience, not because she thought herself weak or incapable, but beeause she wished to conduct herself in the most friendly manner in respect to the shbjects of both empires, and was anxious to avoid the shedding of human blood. We shall here give an example of this—The Sublime Porte lately dismissed the two Hospodars of Moldavia and Wallachia, in consequence of existing circumstances. The Russian government took offence that they were not consulted, and presumed to oppose this arrangement. Any longer indulgence to the traitorous Hospodar of Wallachia, whose perfidy had been sufficiently evinced on many occasions, would have been highly detrimental to the Porte, and if Russia had been apprized of his intended dismissal, the intelligence would have reached that Hospodar, which would have occasioned a great deal of confu'sion; on which account Russia was not in

formed until he was actually dismissed Some

time afterwards, the Russian minister at Constantinople made a requisition to the Porte on behalf of his government, that these Hospodars should be restored, and he was cpmmanded, in the event of a refusal, to leave Constantinople with all his suite, as he asserted in all his communications. He afterwards declared that his government did not seize this as a pretext to display the hos. tile designs imputed to it; but added, that the restoration of the Hospodars was the sole and true object of his government; and that if the Porte consented to it, all misunderstandiugs between the two courts would cease; and that as he was commanded to communicate the result of this negotiation to the frontiers, he would immediately write on the subject. The Subhame Porte saw from this official declaration, that the Russian court

sought a pretext for declaring war, and it was

obvious from her unjustifiable and narrow

minded arrogance, that her object was to

blame the Porte with the display of those

hostile intentions which she herself cherish

ed. The Porte conse.ited, though contrary to its interest, to restore the two Hospodars,

in order that the Russian government, might'

have no cause for complaint to the other

wers of Europe.—It was for a while beieved that Russia, ashamed of her conduct, had desisted from all intention of making war upon the Porte. Two months and a half thus elapsed without suspicions, when, at the very moment that every thing bespoke peace and friendship, Russian troops appeared on the Turkish frontier; while the inhabitants, as well as the Governors of Choczim and Bender, considered themselves in full security in consequence of the alliance subsisting between the two empires. The commanders of the Russian troops abused the confidence thus reposed in them as friends, and after practising every species of artifice, possessed themselves of these two fortresses, contrary to the law of nations, as respected by every civilized power. The Sublime Porte, which had not been apprized of this invasion, required a declaration on the subject from the Russian minister at Constantinople: the latter repeatedly declared that he had written to his court of the restoration of

the Hospodars, as well as that of the Rus

sian consuls on the Doiester, by virtue of the dispatches he had received on these subjects; and that the recent advance of those troops was no consequence of the above pro

teedings; so far as he was concerned him

self, he knew of no ground or any rupture, shd his court had made no communication to him on the subject. As the Sublime

Porte received the intelligence quite unex

pectedly of the hostilities of the Russians, by their occupation of the above fortresses, as a the usurpation of the Turkish cities, they might have removed the Russian minister immedia'ely from the capital; and al bough . it would have been but fair to resort to usurpation against usurpation, yet the Sub-r lime Porte, which hid always evinced so much lenity, was unwilling that individualso should suffer from the inconvenience of war. and therefore allowed the Russian minister a certain time in order to obtain from his court a declaration on the subject of these proceedings. The Ottoman Porte acted in this manner with the view of giving the court of Russia an opportunity of acting with seeming consistency in the eyes of other powers, and thinking she would, for shame sake, at last respect the laws of nations.— But after waiting 30 days from the cominencement of hostilities, no answer was obtained from the Russian minister, except assurances that he had received no declaration from his court on the subject; and as the patience of the Porte was nearly exhausted, it would have been dangerous and detrimental to have granted any farther delay. On the other hand, General Michelson had sent. inflammatory proclamations to the judges and governors of Romelia, in order to seduce the Mussulmen, and to sow discord in the cities of the empire.—To conclude, the disgraceful conduct of Russia to the Ottoman: court is without example, and will never be imitated perhaps by any other power. As the hostilities of the Russians have now openly commenced, every Mussulman is. bound, by his religion and the law of nations, to take vengeance on these perfidious enemies, against whom it has become necessary solemnly to declare war. The Sublime Porte places its whole confidence on the Almighty and avenging God; and in order to check the career of the enemy, it has become necessary to make exertions both by sea and land, to organize all our forces, and to act with energy and vigour. The Sublime Porte has therefore declared war, because its extraordinary lenity has only tended to increase the arrogance and usurpations of Russia. As the Sublime Porte has done every thing to conciliate, the Russian court

will be answerable for the blood which must

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have it in command from his Majesty to

state to you, that having deemed it expedient to recur to the sense of his people, his Majesty, in conformity to his declared intention, has lost no time in causing the present parliament to be assembled.—His Majesty has great satisfaction in acquainting you, that since the events which led to the dissolution of the last parliament, his Majesty has received, in numerous addresses from his subjects, the warmest assurances of their affectionate attachment to his person and government, and of their firm resolution to support him, in maintaining the just rights of his crown, and the true principles of the constitution; and he commands us to express his entire confidence that he shall experience in all your deliberations a determination to af.

ford him an equally loyal, zealous, and af

fectionate support, under all the arduous circumstances of the present time—We are commanded by his Majesty to inform you, that his Majesty's endeavours have been most anxiously employed for the purpose of drawing closer the ties by which his Majesty is connected with the powers of the continent; of assisting the efforts of those powers against the ambition and oppression of France; of forming such engagements as may eusure their continued co-operation; and of establishing that mutual confidence and concert so essential under any course of events to the restoration of a solid and permanent peace in Europe. It would have afforded his Majesty the greatest pleasure to have been enabled to inform you, that the mediation undertaken by his Majesty for the purpose of preserving peace between his Ma. jesty's ally, the Emperor of Russia, and the Sublime forte, had proved effectual for that important object; his Majesty’ deeply re

grets the failure of that mediation, accom

panied as it was by the disappointment of

the efforts of his Majesty's squadron in the Sea of Marmora, and followed as it has since been by the losses which have been sustained by his gallant troops in Egypt. His Majesty could not but lament the extension of hostilities in any quarter, which should create a diversion in the war so favourable to the views of France; but lamenting it. especially in the instance of a power with which his Majesty has been so closely connected, and which has been so recently indebted for its protection against the encroachments of France, to the signal and successful interposition of his Majesty's arms.-His Majesty has directed us to acquaint you, that he has thought it right to adopt such measures as might best enable him, in concert with the Emperor of Russia, to take advantage of any favourable opportunity for bringing the hostilities in which they are engaged against the Sublime Porte to a conclusion, consistent with his Majesty's honour and the interests of his ally. Gentlemen of the House of Commons,— His Majesty has ordered the estimates of the current year to be laid before you, and he

relies on the tried loyalty and zeal of his

faithful Commons to make such provision for the public service, as well as for the further application of the sums which were granted in the last parliament, as may appear to be necessary.—And his Majesty bearing constantly in mind the necessity of a careful and economical administration of the pecuniary resources of the country, has directed us to express his hopes that you will proceed without delay in the pursuit of those enquiries, connected with the public economy, which engaged the attention of the last parliament. - a +

My Lords and Gentlemen,_His Majesty commands us to state to you, that he is deeply impressed with the peculiar impor: tance, at the present moment, of cherishing a spirit of union and harmony amongst his people: such a spirit will most effectually promote the prosperity of the country at home, give vigour and efficacy to its councils, and its arms, abroad; and can alone enable his Majesty, under the blessing Providence, to carry on successfully the great contest in which he is engaged, or finally to conduct it to that termination which his Majesty's moderation and justice have ever led him to seek—a peace, in which the honour and interests of his kingdom can be secure, and in which Europe and the world may hope for independence and repose. *

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, Covent Gerden, whereformer Numbers may be had sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre. ****".

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French into a snare :

“Good God :

“ Berlin 2 for Napoleon 3 in advances, and not in retreats.”

LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 11, 1807.

The consequence has been war. War actually begun. A fourth coalition against France in good earnest entercd upon ; and, in all appearance, with as much probability of success as the last. newspapers assure their readers that the Prussians have retreated merely for the purpose of leading the But, surely, when those readers recollect, as they certainly must, that this same reason, by these same writers, was given for every retreat of the Austrians and Russians from the banks of the Schwartz, they will not again be the dupes of these deluding or deluded men' Was it a snare that Napoleon fell into at Vienna 3 conquered capital and kingdoms of his antagonist 2 Is the Duke of Brunswick, not less renowned than his Royal Nephew, really preparing a snare No: let us not rest our hopes upon such a baseless foundation. Political, REG1st ER, Vol. 10, p. 644.

Some of the

“ Into a snare!”

Was it a snare that he found in the And, is there another snare awaiting him at

Let us look for success

33]
SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

The WRANGLING FActions. In the last number of the foregoing Volume, I had occasion to notice the alarm, which the writers of the no-popery faction are endeavouring to excite with respect to what they call “ the Senate at Willis's,” against which, they say, the people ought to unite with “His Majesty's confidential servants ;" an union, however, which I am much disposed to think they will not see take place. These attacks upon the aristocracy are curious enough. They present us something new in the tricks of faction. The cry of Jacobin and Leveller,” was the order of the day only a month ago; and, what the poor hirelings could do with “the Senate at Willis's" and the Dinner of Sir Francis Burdett, at one and the same time, I was quite at a loss to guess... If the aristocracy were assembled in senate at Willis's, it will surely be allowed, that the people were assembled round Sir Francis Burdett, and yet the no-popery hirelings assail them both at once ; they represent both as enemies to the country, so that, by the country, we are to understand these writers to mean, the ministry and their dependents, and, a little more widely, all those who, in any way, live upon the taxes of the country. This is what they mean by the country. — We will now hear the language of the Courier, of the 23d and 24th of last month, upon the subject of the Aristocratical Senate; and, I must particularly request the reader to mark the anxiousness which is discovered to enlist the people upon the side of the no-popery saction. “ The debate in the Senate at “ Willis's will regularly precede the debate “ in the Senate at Westminster, just as the “Jagobin Club at Paris discussed and de

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[34 some eight or nine exceptions, are all either peers, or connected with the peerage. They are the authors and directors of the meeting. Peers-then are to discuss, and “ as far as lies in their power, to influence the opinions of those of the meeting who “ are members of the house of commons; “ and thus this most unconstitutional sight will be presented to the British nation, of “ a portion of THEIR REPRESENTATIVES receiving an impression and inpulse from an an istocratic self constituted senate, before they appear in the senate chosen according to the principles of the “ constitution.—We have heard of a “ strong wish expressed to revive the Rock“ ingham Club, and it has been said that a “ speech was made at Lord Milton's dinner, “ in which the honour of being a member “ of parliament was declared to be a minor “ honour to that of being a member of the “ Rockingham Club. Sirould such a senti“ ment become popular, Clubs would of “ course be more regarded than the consti“tutional Assembly of the Nation, and “ would thus eventually have in this coun“ try the same influence over that Assembly “ as the Clubs in France had over the dif“ferent Nalional Conventions that were elected during the Revolution. At pre“ sent this political meeting at Willis's, counselled, contrived, and to be held un“ der the sanction principally of peers, must appear to the country to be an attempt on the part of the Aristocracy to acquire such a permanent interest and influence, as to enable it to influence both King 2nd THE PEOPLE. The influence of great families is to be greater than the influence of the Crown and of the Commons. The Aristocracy is to have more weight and consideration than the Monarchy and the 1) EMOCRACY. The Union of the Balosis in the reign of Koo John, i.isłit be

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“ necessary to procure for us the great Char“ter, but it is perfectly unnecessary under the mild and constitutional reign of the House of Brunswick. Let the King look to this: let the heir apparent, whose “ sanction of this aristocratic assembly has “ been attempted to be obtained: let THE ‘ PEOPLE look to this.” The people do look at this; and no-popery deceives herself most egregiously, if she supposes, that the people are to be thus cajoled. But, let us, before we make any further remarks, proceed to the other extract from the Courior. “We beg our readers to mark well “ these expressions (expressions" in the Morning Chronicle).—“Here is an open avowal of the intention of the Aristocracy to combine—For what objects? To secore ortr Willerties 2 WHO THREATENS “ THEM : Does the King : The Aristocra“cy refer to the conduct of the Whig Aristocracy in critical moments. It combined, we know, to secure the Protestant “ Establishment, which was threatened by “James II. But do they mean to insinuate that that establishment is in any danger “ under George III. Or that this is one of those critical moments that requires this “menacing union of the Aristocracy of the “realm ? Do these great families mean, by this display of their power or their wealth, “ to awe the Crown, the Ministers, and “ THE PEOPLE * If so, let THE ** CROWN and THE PEOPLE combine and defeat the Aristocracy as they defeat“ ed and drove from power the late incapa“ ble ministry. The language of the Aristocracy is, “Who are the present minis“ ters : What great families do they belong “ to ? What great families support them : “What property can they command?" But what is that to 'i'HE PEOPI.E. 2 Till wisdom and patriotism be necessarily inherent in great families, THE PEOPLE will not enquire what families ministers belong to, but what measures they adopt for the “ benefit of the country; what is their con“ duct, not what is their origin. But it does ‘‘ not suit this aristocratic combination to “ try ministers by their measures; these “ guardians of our liberties are unwilling to “ extend to them the benefit of a fair trial, ‘‘ but are anxious to have them condemned, “ merely because they are accused. This too was one of the features of those clubs that overawed and controused the French Convention. Of this combination of great “ families, a combination resorted to at such ‘‘ a moment, and in such a manner, we do entertain consideratie apprehensions. THE * I'EOPLE will do well to watch it; for if

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our liberties be in any danger, they are “ more in danger from the Aristocracy than “ from the Monarchy and the DEMO“ CRACY,” What do you say to this, John Bowles: What do you say to this, coming, as it does, from one of your fellowlabourers But, to proceed in due order, it is impossible not to be struck with the attempt, made by these writers, upon all occasions, to inculcate an opinion, that those who discover discontent at the manner in which the affairs of the nation are managed, act upon the same principles as the most violent and sanguinary of the French revolutionists acted. It was only a short month ago, that they cried out against Sir Francis Burdett and his friends, including a large majority of the people of Westminster (a fair sample of all the independent people in England), as imitating the clubbing revolutionists of France. “ It was thus,” said they, “ that the French revolution began, “ that revolution which ended in the de“ struction of an ancient and venerable aristocracy, and in the murder of a virtuous ‘ and aniable royal family.”——“What''' exclaimed the Courier, in commenting upon Sir Francis Burdett's address, “What he “ would tear out the accursed leaves of the * Red-Book . Of course, he would tear out “ the ancient and beloved aristocracy of this realm, and, before that, the still more “ beloved monarch, who is at once the head “ and ornament of that illustricus body.” But now, behold, when some party apprehensions are entertained as to the power and designs of that body, the people, that is to say, “ the Jacobins and Levellers,” are called upon to watch its motions with suspicion; nay, to combine against it, lest it should produce a bloody revolution '.. I do hope, that, after this impudent trick, this at once dirty and daring attempt to cajole the people, that no man of common sense will be found weak enough still to listen to alarms referring to the French revolution. For these fourteen years last past such alarms have, from time to time, been played off upon the nation, and that, too, with woeful and disgraceful success. To these alarms, artfully excited and kept up, this country owes almost the whole of her present difficulties; for, had it not been for the fear that men entertained of an overthrow of all order and law and religion, Pitt never could so long have held that power, by the exercise of which he entailed such a train of curses upon us, “Let THE PEOPLE look “ to this.” Let them take care not to be again alarmed into an approbation of a seven years' suspension of the Hal eas Corpus, or

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