« ZurückWeiter »
past four, the Emperor Napoleon having received a visit from the King of Prussia, who came to take his leave, set out for Konigsberg, where he arrived at 10 at night. The King of Prussia went to Memel,-Yesterday the Emperor Napoleon inspected the port of Konigsberg, in a boat manned by the imperial guard. To-day his Majesty will review Marshal Soult's corps, and at two o'clock to morrow, he will set out for Dresden.—The - #. of Russians killed in the battle of Friedland amountsto 17,500, the prisoners to 40,000; 18,000 of whom have already passed through the hospitals, and the rest have been conducted to Thorn and Warsaw. Orders have been issued to send them home to Russia, without delay ; 7000 have already returned again to Konigsberg. Those in France are to be formed into provisional regiments. . The Emperor has ordered them to be cloathed and armed.——The ratifications of the treaty of peace between France and Russia were exchanged at Tilsit, on the 9th. The ratification of the treaty of peace between France and Prussia, will be exchanged here this day.
with these negociations were, on the part of
France, the Prince of Benevento; Princes
... sia; on the part of Prussia, Field Marshal - - Čorio, and the Count de Goltz.
*—After such events as these, one cannot but stalle when the great English expedition is
nigsberg, 7000 remain sick in ||
-The plenipotentiaries charged
licy of Europe.—The Adjutant-Commandant Guilleminot is gone to Bessarabia, where he will communicate to the Grand Vizier the intelligence of the peace, and the liberty given to the Porte to take part in it, as well as of the conditions of the treaty in which the Porte is interested. DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS. ProRogation of PARLIAMENT. Speech of the Lords Commissioners, on Proroguing Parliament, Friday, August 14, 1807. My Lords and Gentlemen, We have it in command from his Majesty to express the satisfaction with which he finds himself enabled to give you that recess which, after the great and diligent exertions which you have made in the dispatch of public business, mustat this advanced season of the year be so peculiarly desirable.—His Majesty has been graciously pleased to direct us to return you his thanks for the steady loyalty and attachment to his person and government, and the zealous devotion to the public service which have characterised all your deliberations, and most especially to thank you for the seasonable exertions, which you have enabled him to make for the augmentation of the military force of his kingdom.—Gentlemen of the House of Commons,—His Majesty has commanded us to return you his warmëst thanks for the supplies which you have granted with so much cheerfulness for the
mentioned, and at the new frenzy which - animates the King of Sweden. Besides, we ... may remark that the army of observation, between the Elbe and the Oder, is 70,000 strong, exclusive of the grand army, without ; : including the Spanish divisions, which are ... now upon the Oder also. It was, therefore, necessary for England to have brought her whole force together, her soldiers, her vo_ lunteers, fencibles, &c. in order to have ..., made a diversion of any interest. But when
current year; and when he considers the provision which you have made for those contingent and unforescen services which the events of the war may render necessary, his Majesty has the great satisfaction of recognising the wisdom wherewith, in a time of extraordinary difficulties, you have anticipated the possible demands which those difficulties may occasion.—My Lords and Gentlemen, His Majesty commands us to assure you, that he deeply deplores the un
we take into our account, that Fngland, unt - * ... '. ..", o men to EgYE! only to be slaughtered by the - *::::::::: men o: Spanish - o we can alone feel sentiments of pity for the extravagant avarice with which that cabinet is tormented.—The peace of Tiisit puts an end to the operations of the ... army; notwithstanding this, all the Prussian coasts and ports will be shut against the English; and it is probable that the continental ... blockade will hot prove a mere sound—
. . The Porte is included in the treaty. The
.* which lately occurred at Čonstantinople, was, à antichristian revolution, whichhas nothing is common with the po
- - - - - - - - - - , : ". . . . . .
fortunate issue of the war upon the Continent. The immense extension of the power and influence of France, and the undisguised determination of the enemy to imploy the means and resources of those countries which he possesses or controuls, for the purpose of effecting the ruin of his Majesty's kingdom, undoubtedly present a formidable view of the dangers and difficulties which the country has to encounter... But his Majesty trusts, that the loyal and brave people over whom he reigns are not to be daunted or disheartened. From the recollection of those difficulties under which his people have successfully struggled, and of those dangers Majesty derives the consolation of believing, that the same spirit and perseverance which have hitherto remained unbroken will continue to be exerted with unabated vigour and success.-And while his Majesty commands us to repeat the assurances of his constant readiness to entertain any proposals which may lead to a secure and honourable peace, he commands us at the same time to express his confidence that his parliament and his people will feel with him, the necessity of persevering in those vigorous efforts which alone can give the character of honour to any negotiation, or the prospect of security or permanency to any peace. His Majesty, therefore, trusts that his parliament and his people will always be ready to support him in every measure which may be necessary to defeat the designs of his enemies against the independence of his Majesty's dominions, and to maintain against any undue pretensions, and against any hostile confederacy, those just rights which his Majesty is always desirous to exercise with temper and moderation, but which, as essential to the honour of his Crown and true interests of his people, he is determined never to surrender.—Then a commission for proroguing the parliament was read: after which the lord chancellor prorogued it to the 24th of September. t •
which they have happily surmounted, his * . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . * * * * * *
Dispute with AMERICA. Admiral Berkeley's Order for Searching the A-mei ican Frtgate, the Chesapeak; dated Halifar, Nova Scotid,
Commanders of His Majesty's Ships and Posse's on the North American Station. . By the hon. G. C. Berkeley, Vice-AdFiral of the White, and Commander in Chief of his Majesty's ships and vessels employed in the River St. Laurence, along the coast of Nova-Scotia, the Islands of St. John, and Cape Breton, the Bay of . » and at and about the Island of Burmuda, or Summer Islands:–Whereas many seamen, subjects of his Britannic Majesty, and serving in his ships and vessels, as per margin”, while at anchor in the Chesapeak, deserted 2nd entered on board the United States frigate, called the Chesapeak, and openly paraded the streets of Norfolk, in sight of their officers, under the American flag, protected by the magistrates of the town, , *-* - -------— –––– o – - . ... “ * Pelleisle, Bellona, Triumph, Chiches-, ter, Halifax, and Zenobia cutter. !
June 1, 1807, and addressed to the restective Captairs and
- *[320 and the recriting officer belonging to the abovementioned American frigate, which agistrates and naval officer refused giving them up, although demanded by his Bri. tannic Majesty's consul, as well as the cap. tains of the ships from which the said men had desorted. The captains and commanders of his majesty's ships and vessels under my command, are therefore hereby required and directed, in case of meeting with the American frigate the Chesapeak, at sea, and without the limits of the United States, to shew to the captain of her this order, and to require to search his ship, for the deserters from the abovementioned hips, and to proceed and search for the same ; and if a similar demand should be made by the American, he is to be permitted to search for any deserters from their service, according to the customs and usage of civilized nations, on terms of peace and amity with each other. —G. C. Berkeley.
Volunteers.—Circular Letter from Lord Hawkesbury, to the Lords Lieutenant of Counties, dated H'hitehall, 5th Aug. 1807.
I have the honour to acquaint yon, that it has been deemed expedient by his Majesty's government, that such corps of volun: teers, infantry and artillery, as have not completed their twenty-six days’ exercise for the pre-ent yestr, should have the option of assembling upon permanent pay and duty, under the regulations which were in force in the year 1805 (by which the officers will be cititled to full pay, and the non commissioned officers, drummers, and privates, to one skilling per diem bounty morey, for the days drying which they may retain so assembled) and subject to the following restrictions.—The period for which these corps will be allowed to remain assen bled must not exceed the mumber of days wanting to complete their twenty-six days drill for the present year, and must, in no case, be less than ten, or more than four teen days: consequently this permission can be granted to such corps only as shill not have performed more than sixtecm doys exercise during the present year—I take this crportunity of agGuainting you, that no extra pay will be allowed to inspections, as it is conceived that they may take place on the days of drill, with little if any additional inconvenience to the corps —I have the honour to be, Sir, your
most obedient humble servant, (Signed) HAwkesbury.
printed by Cox and Bayfis, No. 75, Great Queen street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges, Site-o Covert Go idea, where torner Numbers may be had : sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitle, Pall Mall.
“For e Hu None o Go is eas will be presented to any person who can procure an appointment of Barrock“Master in Great Britain, or the Peynastership of a district.”—Cous 1 ER Newspaper, 10th August,
“For sale, the manor, or lordship, of Lampeter, with all its political and other rights. Lampeter is a * contributory borough for returning a member to parliament for the town of Caid gan; and all Lesson;
“admoi at the Lori's Court are entitle to vote for the return of such member. Court E. R. Ncwspaper, 10th August, 1807.
“appears unnecessary in this place.”
To TII e INDEPENDENT ELECTORS of THE
* CITY AND LIBERTIES OF WESTMINSTER. LETTER XXIV. GENTLEMEN, Let us turn to other matters. Having taken a view of our affirs with regard to foreign countries, let us look a little into our situation at liome; and see what is necessary to be done there. , When we complain, that, under the name and shew of public offices, our money is squandered away upon idlers and rogues and plunderers, we are reproached with Jacobinism. “ It was thus,” say John Bowles and his crew, “ that the French revolutionists “ began their works." And, the inference is, that, we wish to bring about here what was brought about in Frange. That we wish to destroy the nobility and to kill the king and his family; and that, the consequence of this would be, a military despotism under an English Buonaparté. Whether the present state of France, compared to its former state, be an example so terrific as John Bowles and his crew would make it appear, I shall not attempt to determine. But, what have our complaints to do with the French revolution, or with any revootion? If, however, it be insisted upon that the French revolution began in coolints like ours, would it not be advisable to remove the ground of our complaints: No : that is newer thought of. To villify, and, if possible to oppress, if not kill, the complainants, is the mode which John and his crew recommend in order to prevent our tomplaints from producing effects similar to those produced in France. They accuse us of falsehood; and therefore, it is decessary, nowand then, to state an undeniable fact. What would John say, I wonder, to the public advertisement for the purchase of an office, such as I have placed at the head of this
sheet, and scores of which we daily see in the newspapers? What would he say to it? Why, Gentlemen, nothing at all; not a word to it or about it; he would instantly fall upon the person who noticed it, with a full-mouthed cry of Jacobinism and disloy. alty and treason; and, when he sees this sheet, he would have me strangled if he legally could; for John is quite one of your legal men. But, to you, Gentlemen, and to all those who have to pay such heavy taxes, without having the means of licking yourselves whole again by getting a share of those taxes; to you I put the question, whether it be not a scandalous thing, that offices, the salaries of which the public pay, should thus be bought and sold It is well known to you, Gentlemen, that, where one estate, or one thing of any sort, is sold, or bought, in consequence of public advertisement, there are fifty sold, or bought, without such advertise
ment; and, if this be the case, in transac
tions where no desire of secrecy exists, or need to exist, how large a proportion of all the offices. is it reasonable to suppose, are bought and sold 2 And, as to who are the selfers of offices need not be pointed out; for, whether the villaius be great or
small, whether they be male or female, the
wrong done to us is exactly the same; and,
besides, thot, h a little villain may be the
actual vender, he as obtained his power to se! from so be one above him. When we complain of the enormous amount of the taxes, for the collection of which such rigorous laws have been passed, we are tauntingly asked, “if we would have “ no army or navy.” We must have both; but, we would no have Barrack masters and Paymasters upon an establishment, which will enable the officer to give five hundred pounds for his commission; for, reckon how we will, thot money is so much of the taxes wasted. Besides; if the offices are sold, who is it that chooses and appoints offiL
cers ? This is one, out of many, of the ways of wasting the public money; and, my real opinion, is, that if all waste was as effectually prevented as it might be, the navy and the army might be maintained for less than one half of the present expence, while, at the same time, those who now live in idleness upon public plunder, would be compelled to labour for their bread, and thereby
augmeist the resources of the country. This,
however, according to the cant of the leeches, who are determined to hang on upon the carcass of the nation till they are absolutely cut off, is ternaed “Jacobin doctrine.” To own this name of Jacobin, therefore, we must make up our minds; and wait patiently for the day when we can give the bloodsuckers a hearty squeeze, reminding them, at the same time, of their past abuse. The second part of my motto, which was pointed out to me by a correspondent, whose letter you will find in another part of this sheet, relates to a subject, which cannot be brought too frequently under discussion. It is not, verily it is not astonishing, that offces should be bought ::id sold by public advertiseinent, when, by public advertisement, “ the political rights” of the people are unequivocally offered for sale. When their votes at elections are tendered publicly as an object of purchase; and, when no scruple at all is made to treat them as the property of individuals. In the midst of all this, Gentlemen, there are men base enough, wrotches so impudent, so abandoned, so prostituted, as to represent *ou as the enemies of the constitution of England ' When called upon to give our money, or to risk our lives, in support of the constitution, it is painted to us in colours the most delightful; it is arrayed in robes of purity, justice, and freedom. The election of members of parliament is, we are told, in the words of the law, “ perfectly free;” and, when we complain, that seats-in parliament are publicly advertised for sale, the infanious wretches, who are concerned in, or who connive at, such sale, have the audacity to accuse us of wanting to destroy the constitution Vengeance upon the heads of these unprincipled and audacious miscreants must come first or last, and it is little matter from what hand it comes.—Not one inch would I, for my part, stir to save their heads from a mill-stone falling from the clouds. John Bowles and his set are well aware of the laws respecting elections; and yet, John's piety, which is almost incredible, has never led him to descant upon the perjuries which must take place when seats in parliament are bought god sold, He can read these adver
tisements as well, or nearly as wall, as you can; but, though he be a leader in the ViceSuppression Society, not a single word does he say upon the subject of this enormous vice. John pretends to be in great tribulation, lest the two-penny hops and the gingerbread fairs should bring down the vengeance of heaven; but, the purchase and sale of seats in parliament, with all their indispensable perjuries, are beneath the notice of John, though John would, I dare say, have a beggar most heartily castigated, if he were to prevaricate in his worshipful preSence. - Gentlemen, Pitt, before he became minister, spoke with horror of the sale of seats in parliament. At that time he was engaged, with Mr. Horne Tooke and others, in forming a plan for collecting, by a circular correspondence, the sense of the people, in their parishes, or smaller districts; which sense, when obtained, was to be pressed upon the House of Commons, for the purpose of obtaining a reform of that House, which reform he, Pitt, asserted openly in the House, to be absolutely necessary, in order to prevent the government of England from becoming, under the mannes and forms of freedom, a mere despotism in fact. But, in to a years afterwards, this same Pitt being minister, and having rendered a reform more necessary than ever, caused to be prosecuted, that same Mr. Horne Tooke and others for having endeavoured to bring about, by the very same means that Pitt had before recommended, that very same measure, which he had represented as absolutely necessary, in order to prevent the government of England from becoming a mere despotism in fact, under the names and forms of freedom. Now, Gentlemen, though some persons, from ignorance of the history of these matters, and others, from feelings of alarm which Pitt craftily raised, have attempted to justify this his pursuit of the life of Mr. Tooke and others, it is not, I hope, possible, that there can, at this time, be found, in all England, one man so impudently, so profigately unjust, as to continue such attempts. Yet, are we to pay for the raising of a monument to this man, as we have already been compelled to pay his debts. . The way, Gentlemen, to combat our revilers, who are almost all of them profound hypocrites, is to put this question to them : “Do you approve of the sale of seats in “ parliament, and of the indispensable per“ jury thereon attendant " They will always equivocate and evade and shuffle. They will tell you, that it always has been timus. They will instance something worse, if that be possible. They will (precious hypocrites') lainent the frailty of human nature, and the consequent imperfection of all human institutions; and will, very likely, conclude with a prayer that it may please God to remove these evils. But, be you not so cheated. Repeat your question. Stick fast to them. Insist upon a categorical answer; and, you will find their hypocrisy too profound for them to say that they approve of the sale of seats in parliament and of the indispensably accompanying perjury. Well, then, if they disapprove of these, they must next allow, that it would be desirable to put an end to them; and, it necessarily follows, that they must approve of the conduct of those who endeavour to effect that desirable object. But, no: they will not. Bring them to this point, and off they start again into their ejaculations and prayers, first, and, next, into their impudent accusations against those who would, if they could, accomplish what they themselves have acknowledged to be desirable. So that there is no hope of converting them. They are bent upon plunder, or upon the support of plunderers. They are resolved upon sucking the blood out of the carcase of the nation as long as they can ; and, therefore, let us, on our parts, be resolved to pluck them off that wasted carcase as soon as possible. In the meanwhile, Gentlemen, you have real representatives. The silly observations of the newspaper hacks, in wilich they affect to regard their predictions, about the insignificancy of Sir Francis Burdett, as being now accomplished, only betray their apprehensions for that part of the piunder which they enjoy ; or, rather, receive ; for, it is impossible, that such wretches can enjoy any thing. They well know, that it has, as yet. not been in the power of Sir Francis to attend in his place with any effect ; that he could not, without risk of his life, have sit a night in the House of Coma:ous. He himself has told you, that, without the aid of the people, he shall be able to do no good; but, one thing he will soon be able to do, and that is, to convince the people, that, without
their acting, all of them, with the public
spirit that has animated you, nothing is to !e done for their good ty any tod. He will be able to make the people fully acquainted with many shings, which they now under-tand but imperfectly. He will be able to expose to their full view things, which are now hidden from thern. He will, you may be assured, take part with no place and pelt seeking faction; he will have a hand in no notion, calculated to amuse the
*lish and somewhat base people, who are A
yet to be amused with what is called delu
ing a question; he will be guilty of no act which shall give countenance to the impudent pretence respecting decisions in the House; he can, without even one man to co-operate with him, make the Honourable House itself show you what the Honourable House is and what the Honourable House is capable of doing. This he has perfectly in his own power, and this he will, if he lives, assuredly do; and, it is because he will do this, because they know he will do this, that the newspaper hireiings revile him. There is not a nia, amongst them, who is not convinced, in his own mind, of the falsehood of the assertions and insinuations, which he is daily pouring forth against Sir Francis Burdett. He knows they are utterly false; but, a considerable part of his daily bread depends upon his writing and publishing them; and, while this is the case, publish them he will. In one part of his paper, you will find the dangers of the coöntry pourtrayed in horrid colours, and the necessity of an union of all men in its defence strenuous
ly urged; but, he is sure to have, in another
part, something or other to convince you, that he would much rather the country should be conquered, than that corruption and peculation should be destroyed. He and the plundering gang, the den of thieves, who support him, must not, however, expect our love, in returu, but our steady and active hatred, and our vengeance, when we shall be acle to inflict it. They have declared a war of extermination against us; and, I trust, I confidently trust, that we shall not sue for peace. The motion of Lord Cochrane respecting places and pensions and fees and perquisites held or received by members of the Honourable House and their relations had done great good. He wanted to have a list of these alone published, that the public might judge of the state of the Honourable House ; that the people might know how much of their money went into the pockets of those, who are said to be the guardians of the public treasure ; who are said to “ hold the purse strings of the nation,” and who, in good earnest, do seem to hold them. The Honourable House did, however, not relish this. The Honourable House thought that a list of all plces and pensions, &c. &c. &c heid by all manner of persons, preferable to the nice little list pointed out by his lordship , and, then, you kixow, Gentlemen, we night. if we could, find out who were men.bers of parliament and their relations, and who were not. Even this list, however, has not yet been