"ter, and England, relatively less, than perhaps upon any former occasion when "they negociate. It is foolish to deny "this, and more foolish still to act as if it were not so. As this elevation of France "has risen from a concurrence of singular " events, it may not be permanent, but at any rate we cannot by our single efforts "overturn the results of such long, and "bloody, and decisive wars on the conti"nent. Then what do we fight for, when "in ail probability every thing which rea"sonable men can hope for, in the present " disordered state of the world, may be at"tained by peace? We answer, that we "fight, first because our pride is unwilling "to acknowledge France, in her present "state of aggrandisement, or to recognize "the detested Bonaparte and his innovations; "secondly, our mercantile men are afraid that "our trade may suffer by a peace, particularly "they think it is quite easy at once to fight us "with all the world, and at the same time "serve them with goods, thus making them " pay us for beating them; thirdly, there "is a vague apprehension, that Bonaparte "only wishes to make peace in order to "devour us. Upon these and similar "grounds ministers and their partisans represent peace as an evil to be deprecated, " and therefore deem it true policy to use every means not to promote, but to pre"vent it. But the evils of form a peace copious subject of discussion which we "have not time at present to pursue." You will perceive, Gentleman, that the chief object of this writer is, not to obtain peace, but to persuade his readers, that the faction in power are pre-determined against peace, thereby hoping to produce such a feeling against them as may tend to the ousting of them, and the placing of his own faction in their stead. The burthen of his observations always is, the unfortunate, or perverse, or foolish, or mad, or wicked disposition of his opponents, or, rather, the opponents of his patrons. Of a writer who betrays such evident marks of mere party, mere factious, motives, we should always entertain great suspicions. As to the question of peace, what may be the disposition of the present ministers I cannot positively assert; but, I should suppose, that the first consideration with them, as it was with Pitt and the Addingtons and the Whigs, will be to keep their places; and that, if they find peace likely to tend to that purpose, peace they will make, and, as the Addingtons did, call upon us for blessings upon their heads for the boon. But, this I know, that, whatever views they may have in carrying on the war, they cannot be more barefacedly regardless of the interests of England, than were the openly-avowed views of the Whigs, when they set us to war with Prussia for the purpose of obtaining the restoration of Hanover. This writer asks what we can now continue the war for ; but, reserving our answer to that question, let me ask him how it is possible for the present ministers to entertain views more unworthy of Englishmen, than those openly avowed by Mr. Fox, when he declared, in parliament, that he never felt so much pleasure at any moment of his life, as when the king commanded him to write the dispatch, in which it was declared, that the king would never make any peace, which should not stipulate for the complete restoration of Hanver to him. This was the Whig object, not for carrying on a war, but for beginning a new war, which war. you will remember, was the chief immediate cause of all that followed upon the continent of Europe. It is the way of those, who wish to mislead, to assume, that those who differ from them must necessarily entertain the views, which it suits their arguments to impute to them. Accordingly, those who, like me, can see no benefit that we should derive from a peace, made at this time, are by this writer, represented as aiming, by a maritine war, at building up the ruined fortunes' of the "nations of Europe;" at reducing the "power of France" by land; objects at which no man in his senses would, at this time, aim, nor do I know that it would be desirable to accomplish those objects, even if the accomplishment were completely in our power; for, I have an ugly lurking in my mind, that, if the Prussians and Russians had beaten Napoleon, things would not have been the better for such people as you and I, which lurking has, I must confess, operated as a consolation to me, when I have read of the battles in Prussia and in Poland. But, though I am very willing to leave the Germans (aye, all of them) to the rule of the Emperor of France and his brethren, I can discover a very sufficient object in continuing the war, at present, especially as it may now be a war attended with, comparatively, very little expence, taking it for granted, that no more continental expeditions or subsidies can now be thought of. The Morning Chronicle anticipates, as I anticipated months and months ago; that a maritime confederacy is forming against us in the North of Europe. How does he think, that this confedracy is to be got rid of? or, does he wish us to "" yield to the turn of affairs," and," with the rest of the world, acquiesce" (good gentleman!)" in the decision obtain "ed by an appeal to arms?" How, otherwise, I ask him, is this confederacy to be got rid of, except by a prosecution of the war? Would he really counsel us to yield to terms settled upon the principle of what is called the 64 liberty of the Seas ?" Pitt and Addington gave up, as far as they conld give up, the honour of the flag, which honour had been maintained by England from the time that flags were first seen upon the European seas; and, would this gentleman advise us, not only to ratify that shameful abandonment, but also bind ourselves not-to exercise the right of search, a right, which, it must, I think, be evident to all men, upon the exercise of which our maritime superiority depends? Here, then, is of itself, a quite sufficient object; but, I am of opinion, that a war even now properly managed, would, in a great measure, deprive France of the advantages, she expects from her conquests; and, would effectually deprive her of the advantages, which she would, without war, employ for the subjugation of this country. Without a considerable maritime force, she never can effect that object, an object which, I think, every one is persuaded her ruler has in view; and, by war, judiciously conducted, upon the avowed principle of maritime dominion, we have it in our power to destroy, for half a century, the means of his obtaining that force. Not a ship, belonging to any power, should be suffered to pass but upon conditions prescribed by us. Every sail upon the sea should, as in former times, be obedient to the Admiralty of England. The continent Napoleon might rule at his pleasure; but, the moment any one quitted the land, he should be under the dominion of England. These principles I would openly avow as the only principles upon which I would settle terms of peace; and the right of sea-dominion I would exercise in peace as well as in war, or I would make no peace with the ruler of the land of Europe. Now, is this object to be attained, without a further continuation of the war? Will Napoleon listen to such terms of peace? How, then, are we to obtain peace without; how are we to" obtain every thing which we can hope for, in the present disordered state "of the world?" But," are we never to have peace?" To which I answer, you must put that question to France. It is not our fault if we have not peace, any more than it is the fault of the man who is assaulted, that he is engaged in a scuffle. France openly avows the design of conquering our country, and her preparations keep due pace with her avowal. It is, then, unreasonable in the extreme to put a question, conveying a reproach upon us, that we do not seem disposed to put an end to the war. I would, at all times, be ready to negociate. I would discover no hatred of Napoleon or his brethren. I would readily give up all the islands and colonies that I had conquered. But, I would distinctly maintain the right of dominion upon the sea; and that right I would so exercise, in peace as well as in war, as to be able, at all times, to say to the people, "there are not, in all Europe, the means of sending forth a fleet against you.' 66 These being my opinions, I cannot but approve of the expedition, which is said to have been undertaken in order to seize upon the Danish fleet and arsenals, which, if not actually taken possession of by the conquer. or, are, as all the world knows, within a few days' march of his reach. It is a vile mockery, it is hypocrisy, or it is mere party cavilling, to pretend, that Denmark can remain, at the present time, in a state of neutrality. Her naval force and means, whatever they may be, must be employed against, if not seized upon by us; and, it must, I think, be evident, that the only means of reducing the conqueror to listen to such terms of peace, as would give us security from his arms, are the seizing upon or the destroying of all the maritime resources within his reach, and the preventing of those resources from being recruited. It is painful to have recourse to such violent means; but, between that and subjugation we have no choice; and, when this is the case, I am persuaded, that there are very few Englishmen who would not prefer the former. But, gentlemen, I do greatly fear, that this appearance of vigour is but for a day; and, I should not be surprized, if it should finally appear, that Hanover will be thought a sufficient compensation for the expense of these expeditions and for England's maritime dominion into the bargain. My fears may be groundless, and I hope they are; but, I cannot help entertaining them; and, certain I am, that such sentiments as those now inculcated by the Morning Chronicle, are admirably calculated to prepare a justification for such a peace. In fact, gentlemen, there is nothing that the ministers, if their views are such as I fear they are, could desire more to their purpose than the humble, despairing tone of the Morning Chronicle. It was upon the language of this very paper, that the Addington's jus tified their peace. They threw the blamę WESTMINSTER ELECTION. The Committee for conducting the late unparalleled Election for Westminster, having determined to present to Sir Francis Burdett the Car, Banners, and Flags, used during the Election and Procession, the following Letter was transmitted to him; dated Committee Room, Britannia Coffee House, July 4, 1807. SIR ;After the almost unexampled victory obtained by the Electors of Westminster in favour of the people, they can no where so properly deposit the memorials of their triumph as in your hands. The committee have, therefore, to request that you will accept them.--The Car and Banners used at the celebration of an event of so much importance to the country, the memory of which will descend to our posterity, cannot fail to remind you of the great public principles by which it was produced.-The Factions which have been so long contend ENGLAND'S RIGHT OF SEARCH. SIR, I cannot resist expressing to you the pleasure I felt as an Fnglishman, in reading your last paper upon the subject of the present dispute with America.--You have argued the case well, and I perceive intirelying for the government had both been tried. from your own excellent understanding; but give me leave to inform you, Sir, of what you need not be ashamed to be ignoTant, that the vrey case now before us has. happened over and over again in our history: that it has been argued and most solemnly argued by great lawyers and statesmen, and that cases precisely in point have been decided in a formal and judicial manner upon grave argument and great consideration; and that the decision has always been as you contend it ought to be. The orders to our admirals, from the earliest period of our maritime greatness, have been in conformity to this our ever asserted right, and the orders in the time of Oliver Cromwell, from a book of whose time, you have most appropriately taken your last motto, are stronger in point of expression, as they were more determined in point of action, than the orders in any other period of our history.--Sir, if the councils of this nation had among them a mind like his, whom I have just mentioned, with the same regard to our internal prosperity, and to our foreign and naval greatness, we might laugh at the dangers with which we are threatened, and even at Buonaparté himself, who is become, as you feared and predicted, Hannibal again His Martello 、; Towers are his allies-Crowns and Scepters are the pallisadoes of his intrench"ments, and Kings are his centinels." Go on, Sir, and fearlessly maintain the glory and greatness of this our country abroad, and as fearlessly expose her shameful, but thank God, curable sickliness at home. A TRUE ENGLISHMAN. London, August 17, 1807. Each, in its turn, had oppressed, plundered, both private and public, for which your cha and disgusted, the people. The virtues, racter was revered, pointed out to the Electors of Westminster the man whom they should call to their aid. The name of "Burdett" was pronounced, and "Burdett and our Country" resounded from every part of this great city. "5134" Electors came forward, and secured, by an unparalleled "majority," "the triumph of Westminster" over the associated panders of venality and tools of corruption. "You were called from the retirement you had chosen," and returned with the utmost "Purity of Election," to advocate the cause of your country, as their representative in the senate.-You are sent to express "the Sense of the People," and to lend your best assistance to restore to them those inestimable blessings of "the Constitution," of which they have been deprived by a long series of fraud and hypocrisy: to restore to them "a full, fair, and free, representation in Parliament," and the use of trial by jury in all cases whatever. In short, to assist in restoring to them that constitution which their ancestors did not think dearly purchased with their blood.--The Cat and Banners must remind you, at all times, of those great public principles, to support which you stand pledged to the country. They will animate you to your duty. You will perform it. will perform it. And if the perishable materials, of which they are composed, permit them to be preserved beyond the period of your own existence, your children will look upon them with reverence and affection, as the highest honour they derive from their ancestor. But were you to fail, they would remain a constant reproach upon your conduct, and your children would justly consider them the greatest blot in their escutcheon.- -By order of the Committee,, (Signed) SAMUEL BROOKS, Chairman.-To Sir F. Burdett, Bart. M. P. for Westminster. ANSWER.. Wimbledon, July 7, 1807. Sr,I shall receive with pleasure and gratitude those memorials of the patriotism, spirit, and independence, of the Electors of Westminster, which the Committee propose to deposit in my hands. Amongst them, your excellent letter will not, in my humble, opinion, be the least useful or the least esteemed. They will, I hope, not only serve to remind me and my children of the great duties all men owe their country, but also help to revive the ancient love of liberty in the heart of every Englishman, his children, and latest posterity.I remain, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,- -FRANCIS BURDETT. Mr. Samuel Brooks. The following ACCOUNT of the EXPENCES of the late Election for Westminster, is taken from a small pamphlet just published, by order of the Committee, entitled "An Exposition of the Circumstances which gave rise to the Election of Sir F. Burdett, Bart. for the City of Westminster." ACCOUNT OF DISBURSEMENTS AND RECEIPTS. Expences of the Election, up to the final close of the Poll, 23d May: Advertisements,Printing, and Committee Rooms, Clerks, Flags, Drums, Fifes, Bugles, and other Music.... Coach Hire, aud Incidental High Constable's Charges, & extra Constables... £317 12 6 156 1 • 130 6 6 75 19 1 23 9 6 77 5 9 THE COMMITTEE, appointed to examine and consider what Regulations and Checks have been established, in order to control the several branches of THE PUBLIC EXPENDITURE in Great Britain and Ireland; and how far the same have been effectual; and what further Measures can be adopted for reducing any part of the said expenditure, or diminishing the Amount of Salaries and Emoluments, without Detriment to THE PUBLIC SERVICE; Having had referred to their consideration the proceedings of the committee which was instituted for the same purposes in the last parliament, began their inquiries, by prosecuting the examination of a subject, in which considerable progress had been made, but upon which they have delayed making an earlier report, judging it proper to suspend any statement of facts, until they could at the same time recommend the best mode, according to their judgement, of preventing similar abuses in future. The evidence received during the last session, contains an account of two transactions in the Pay Office, of a most irregular, and improper kind, which were disclosed on the examination of Mr. Thomas, accountant in that office; by whom it was stated, that a draft for £7,000. payable to the right honourable Thomas Steele, (at that time one of the Joint Paymasters) or Bearer, had been drawn by the cashier on the 11th May 1799, under the head of Extraordinaries of the Army, and entered in the cash account of the office, with Mr. Steele's receipt as a voucher; and that another sum of £12,800 was drawn for, precisely in the same manner, and a receipt given in the same terms, on the 3d of July 1800. Of these two sums, the first was not repaid until the 3d of February 1807; nor the latter until the Sth of April, with interest upon both sums, from the date of their issue to that of their repayment, amounting to £7,390.13s. The correspondence between Mr. Steele and Mr. Thomas; letters of Earl Temple, (one of the Joint Paymasters in 1807) addressed to Lord Grenville, Mr. Steele, Mr. Rose, and Lord Harrowby; three minutes of the Lords of the Treasury, directing what steps should be taken for securing the sum remaining due (for the first sum had been repaid previous to any proceedings of the Board of Treasury); Minutes of the Paymaster General entered in the book of the office; and se veral other papers, are inserted at length in the Appendix, though not perhaps absolutely necessary for understanding the subject, that no circumstance which has reference to this business, may be withheld from observation. But the part to which the committee think it most material to direct the attention of the house, is the account given by Mr. Steele himself, when he desired to attend the former committee on the 26th of March 1807, and made his own statement of the circumstances relating to these transactions. He said, the two sums mentioned by Mr. Thomas were issued by my direction, and I have no hesitation in stating that they were not issued for public service; I thought, as others did at the time, that I had full authority to direct those issues. I was urged to do so by private considerations of a very peculiar nature, which operated at that time upon my mind; and I thought that by directing them to be issued to myself, and making myself responsible for them, I could not by possibility incur the suspicion of concealment, or fraud. It was my intention that they should have been replaced in a very short time, but it was not in my power to accomplish it; they remained charged against me in the Pay Office Book till the beginning of the present year, when the the whole subject having been brought lately On under the consideration of the Board of Treasury, they have directed me to repay the remaining sum, with the interest due upon both sums, by instalments at stated periods, which I have engaged to do. I can not take upon myself to defend my conduct in this instance, which I must admit to have been incorrect, but I console myself with thinking that the public will have suffered no loss." And being asked, whether he knew of any other transaction of the same kind, during the time he was in the Pay Office? He said, " I do not." And being asked, whether he knew of any arrear of the like nature arising from the transaction of any former Paymaster? He said, "I certainly do not." And being asked, whether any notice was taken of this transaction by the Treasury, previous to the beginning of this year? He said, I apprehend it was not ever known to the Treasury, previous to this year," And being asked, whether any notice was taken by any other Public Office? He said, "Not to my knowledge." the 13th April, Mr. Steele again attended the committee; and a part of Lord Temple's letters being read to him (Appendix, No. 3,), and he being asked, whether he had any explanation to give in reference to this letter? he said, "This being a statement of what passed in different conversations at different times, of which, I made no memorandum myself, I certainly am not disposed to dispute the accuracy with which it is reported. I beg the committee at the same time to understand that I never have attempted to justify the issue of the two sums in question, upon the ground that they were applied directly or indirectly to public service; but that in my former evidence I acknowledged that they were not issued with any reference to public service, but I alone was responsible and accountable for them; and that I have, in fact repaid them both, principal and interest." And a part of Mr. Steele's former examination, and an extract from his letter to Mr. Thomas, being shown to him, he further said, "The persons to whom I alluded in that letter and in my examination, were the principal officers of the Pay Office, who had long been established there, and who uniformly contended that the power of the Pay. Master General to direct the issues of mo◄ ney from the Bank remained unlimited by any of the provisions of the Act for regulating the Office of Paymaster General." And being asked, " Did you consult any other person as to the operation of that Act, upon the issue of money to the Pay |