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the public money. I am really glad that this has been proved ; for the worst light in which I viewed the transaction was that of a job, a vile barter of votes for money ; a base act of treachery towards a confiding people. It is now pointed out to me, too, that in Brownrigg's letter, contained in the report documents, he makes mention of the authority given by Lord Hobart to rent the house as a Barrack. This incidental mention escaped me, or I should have noticed it; for it shewed that the bargain for the house was begun, at least, under the Addington set But, as yet we see nothing to remove the charge of knowingly receiving payment twice for the same thing. Now, however, we have to consider the two letters (in p. 145 of this Volume) from two of the jurymen to Sir Henry Mildmay, one of whom says, that the house was not at all included in the estimate, and the other says, that the award went only to the occupation of the 31 acres of ground, and the general injury which the estate must suffer from such occupation, the jury, being aware that Sir Henry was at that time in

treaty with the government for the renting

of the house, which they considered him at perfect liberty to do what he pleased with. –Now, Sir Henry Mildmay deciares, upon oath, that he understood the jnry to have awarded him £400 out cf the six to provide hih with another place of residence: so that there is a manifest disagreement between the declaration of the jurymen and his declaration. In answer to this my correspondent says: “The jury (he should have said two “ of the jury to whom Sir Henry Mildmay “ wrote) having now distinctly stated the “ motives which influenced, and the considerations included in their award, it is “ very inmaterial what Sir Henry Mildmay unders:00d on the subject. He has stated & nothing, on this point, to the coin missioners, on his own knowledge, but only what he had understood in loose conversa“ tion.” Now, Sir, supposing it had been the whole of the twelve men instead of two of them, who had thus written, pardon me, if I think. that, by their setters, the case is not at all mended ; and that what you seem to regard as “very immaterial." is most of all material; for, though Sir Henry Mildmay, when he gave his evidence, now appears (for I will not question the truth of the two letters) to have been mistaken as to the fact, you, surely, will not wish me to believe, that he could be mistaken as to what he understood of that fact ; and he sys, that he understood, that £400 from the public was awarded to provide him with another place

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of residence, with which understanding in his mind he must have made the bargain to let the house to that same public at another 4400 a year; or, if the lease came first, he must have understood, that he was receiving an award of £400 a year from the public to provide him with another place of residence, when he had already let that residence to that public at C400 a year. I should be glad to see a way out of this, but I cannot, unless it can be shewn, that the house and the place of residence are not one and the same thing But, it is asked : “might “ Sir Henry Mildmay not have let the house “ to any individual?" Yes, to any body but the public, though, if an “untenalle” house had found a tenant, I should have thought it somewhat strange. The difference between the public and an individual, in this case is, that the public had already paid four hundred a year, besides the fees in passing the Gill of non-residence, for rendering the house untenable, and for the poor sweated public to become the tenant of it afterwards at another four hundred a year was what, surely, no man, in any country but this would have believed, My correspondent says, “ that, if the go‘‘ vernment had not rented Moulsham Hal

“ as an officer's barrack, they must have “ rented some other place and at a higher “ rate.” General Hewitt says otherwise; but, supposing it to be so, it should have been considered, that, as the house was discovered to be tenable for one description of persons in the world, and as the public was to be the paymaster, the rent was already allowed for in the award, because the unten alleness of the house must have been taken into consideration by the jury, or else they never could have made such an award. The circumstance stated by my correspondent, that Sir Henry Mildmay does, in fact, only hold the estate in trust for his son is of some weight, as it fairly accounts for his sending two lawyers to plead before the jury, a man having no right to give away that which belongs, either now or eventually, to another, My correspondent asserts, and, I believe, with truth, that the park has been greatly dissigured by the works, which pass very near to the house, and which have quite cut of the main entrance to it. But, all damages of this sort are imaginary, when an estate cannot be sold, as this estate cannot ; and, it is to be lamented, that the imagination should, in this case, have fixed them so high. He says, that “Mr. Vansittart “ bears testimony to the liberality of Sir

| “Henry Mildmay's conduct, and that it

“ is preposterous to suppose, that a man

“ of £400 a year for only four years, have “ done what he regarded as a mean ac“tion.” I like the latter argument best : for as to the evidence of Mr. Vansittart, or any other secretary of the Treasury, or any other placeman, that is not what I should wish to abide by in any transaction to which the public was a party. But, it is, indeed, incredible, that a man of Sir Henry Mildmay's fortune and character (for he has not that of a money-lover) should, with his senses about him, have done a mean act for the sake of ze 1.000; and, it is, I think, but fair to regard his boldness in speaking about jobs, during the late election dinner, as a presumptive proof that,he felt no consciousness of having done such an act. To say that others have obtained higher payment from the public, to cite the instance of a parson Bingham of Gosport, who, under the late administration, received £1,700 and a hundred a year for life besides, for a house and garden, in that town, destroyed by military works ; to cite this, or a thousand such instances, makes nothing in defence of such a man as Sir Henry Mildmay, who would, I dare say, not be very willing to be thought to be upon a level with the parties #. such awards.-Upon the whole,

think, that it must appear, that payment has been twice received from the public for the use of Moulsham Hall ; but, that the new facts now brought forth do entirely remove the hiteful imputation of a job ; and that, from his evident unacquaintance with the detail of the transaction, it is probable, and likely, that Sir Henry Mildmay had, as is the too common practice with men of large fortunes, left the business in the hands of an agent, who thought it is duty to get from the public as much as he could, by any means, obtain, leaving his employer, in case of need, to justify the thing in the best manner that he might be able. This, by inference, at least, my correspondent asserts to have been the case. From all that he has written and said to me, upon the subject, I believe it; and I do sincerely regret, that the circumstances, now brought to light, were not sooner made public; because, though they do not justify the act itself, they totally change the nature of the probable motive; and though, in the libel-trials they will hear nothing of any motive other than that which is manifested in the act, or rather, in their interpretation of the act, God forbid that men should judge their neighbours by that rule —But, if we say, that, in the cause

of this affair, Sir Henry Mildmay has been “ of Sir Henry's fortune would, for the sake

wanting to himself, what shall we say o

those, who, “ walking in the footsteps c

“ that great man,” (Pitt) left him in the lurch at the moment of his utmost need, Mr. Perceval told the House, that his honourable friend, the honourable Baronet, had requested not to be upon the Finance Committee | Did he, indeed, make that request ? Was it really he, who thus sought to evade a discussion upon the subject of Moulsham Hall Had I had a “friend” in Sir Henry Mildmay's situation, I should have said to him, “if you wish to be “ thought conscious of innocence of evil

intention, withdraw not your name from

“ that committee, especially after what you “ have said at Portsmonth."— sorrowful thing to see such a man sacrificing every thing, even to reputation, to a party; and a party, too, composed of . . . . . . . . . but I will rather stop than cheat my description One would think Sir Henry Mildmay has now had enough of faction. But, I know not how it is. Such men appear to be infatuated. It would seem, that they took a delight in being underlings; in being, in fact, nothing more than mere mouths, to be opened and shut at the pleasure of those, in whose train they have chosen to enroll themselves.

BR1stol Meeti NG. . At a numerous and respectable Meeting of Freemen, Freeholders and Inhabitants of the City of Bristol, held July 10, 1807, for the express purpose of enquiring into the present State of the Elective FranchiseHenry Hunt, Esq. in the Chair.——It was unanimously resolved, . . . 1st. That the elective Franchise is an object of the highest importance, as it is the basis of our laws and liberties. That in the free and unbiassed exercise of this great and yet undisputed privilege, depends, our best interests, and dearest rights, as freeborn Englishmen.—2nd. That if any club or party of men whatsoever, arrogate to themselves the power of returning a representative for this city, whether designated by the title of the White Lion Club, the Talbot Club, or the Loyal and Constitutional Club, if they threaten, persecute and oppress a voter for the free exercise of his judgment in the disposal of his suffrage, o; are enemies to

their country by acting in direct opposition

to the sound principles of the British constitution.—3d. That we view with painful anxiety the contracted and enthral'd state of the elective rights of this city, and we are fully convinced of the existence of such unconsti

Is it not a

tutional Clubs as are mentioned in the foregoing Resolution, that their evil effects have reduced this great city, to a level with the rottenest of rotton Boroughs, therefore, we are determined by every legal exertion iu our power, to interpose and adopt, such constitutional and effective measures as may appear most conducive to the recovery and firm establishment of the Freedom of Election in this city.—4th. That the following Declarations of the Westininster Committee, contain the great constitutional principles on which we ought to act.—“That as to our “ principles they are those of the constitu“tion of England, and none other, that it “ is declared by the Bill of Rights, that one of the crimes of the Tyrant James, was that of interfering by his ministers, in the election of Members of Parliament, that by the same great standard of our liberties, it is declared, that the election of members of parliament ought to be free! That by the act which transferred the Crown of this Kingdom from the heads of the House of Stuart to the heads of the House of Brunswick, it is provided that for the better securing of the liberties of the subject, no person holding a Place or Pension under the crown shall be a member of the House of Commons: That these are constitutional principles: and as we are convinced that all the notorious peculations, that all the prodigal Waste of public Money, that all the intolerable burthens and vexations therefrom arising, that all the oppression from within, and all the danger from without, proceed from a total abandonment of these great constitutional principles: we hold it to be our bounden duty, to use all the legal means in our power, to restore those principles to practice.—That though we are fully convinced, that, as the natural consequence of the measures pursued for the last sixteen years, our country is threatened with imminent danger from the foe, which Englishmen once despised, and though we trust there is not a man of us, who would not freely lay down his life to preserve the independence of his country, and to protect it from a sangui. nary and merciless invader: yet we hesitate not to declare that the danger we should consider of the next importance, the scourge next to be dreaded, would be a pack'd and corrupt house of commons, whose votes, not less merciless, and more insulting, than a Conqueror's Edicts, would bereave us of all that renders country dear, and life worth preserving, and that too, under the names and forms

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“ of Law and Justice—under those very “ names, and those very forms, which yield“ed security to the persons and property of our forefathers.”—5th. That in following the glorious example of the Citizens of Westminster, by choosing men of corresponding sentiments, and undeviating public virtue, we shall as far as rests with us, restore the blessings of our constitution, and the just rights and liberties of the people— 6th. That the freeholders, freemen, entitled freemen, and inhabitants of this city, who have united themselves for the laudable purpose of supporting each other in the free and unbiassed exercise of their judgment in the choice of their representatives, merit the approbation and applause of all their fellow citizens, and that we do now form ourselves into a body to be called, the “Bristol Patriotic and Constitutional Association,” to cooperate with them in counteracting that unwarrantable influence, manoeuvre, and deception, which have reduced the electors. of this city to mere political cyphers, to passive spectators of the general wreck, freemen with no other appendage of freedom but the empty name; we therefore pledge ourselves individually and collectively to assist and pro: tect them in the recovery of our just and constitutional liberties.-- 7th. That a public subscription be immediately opened to raise a fund for the purpose above mentioned, for defraying the expences of a Room for the Association, Printing, &c., and that a List of the Subscribers and Subscriptions, be regularly kept, and that proper Books be provided for that purpose—8th, That these Resolutions be signed by the Chair. man, and that they be published,—Signed, —HENRY HUNT, Chairman.

GRN FRAL. F stre.

Mr. Alexander Davison having circulated observations on the Third Report of the Commissioners of Military Enquiry, Major Gen. Este states for the information of the public the following circumstances, to shew the nature of the transaction which brought him to public notice; and adds some remarks on such part of the observations. * concerns him.—Maj. Gen. Este, on taking the command of the troops in the Island of Alderney, found there was no allowance of coals made to him, and from the difficulty of procuring coals, he requested Mr. Hamilton, the Barrack Master, to issue coal on his ago count till further orders, and immediately made application to the Secretary at War to: a continuation of such indulgence; adding his proposal for the payment of the amous" when called upon: the indulgence was coo

tinued to the issue of 492 bushels, when it was stopped, and a demand made on the ge. neral to return the quantity so issued into the store. A compliance in this mode of settlement was very difficult, as no coal merchant resided on the island, nor could the quantity be obtained but by sending a vessel to Weymouth for such direct purpose. He, therefore, on the 20th May, 1801, submitted to the Barrack Master General the following proposal, viz.—“A ready mode of * payment suggests itself to me; let-the * contractor, now about to furnish the an“ nual supply, be directed to lay in a sur** plus equal to the quantity issued to me, ** and the expence thereof, together with ** the additional charges of cartage and sto** rage thereon be made to me, and I shall “ pay the amount.” On the oth June, Gen. Este having occasion to write to Maj. De Lancey, the assistant Barrack Master General, informed him of the proposal he had made to the Barrack Master General; and in the same letter stated, that he had lately seen in the public papers, the best Sunderland coals sold in the Pool, fluctuated between, the prices of £1. 14s. 0d. and Ael. 17s.6d. per chaldron, and delivered at any part of London at £2. 3s. 6d. and -tz. 6s. 6d. per chaldron; he therefore imagined a fair price at Alderney would be about £2. per chaldron: but added, “ however, this is only an idea as it at pre** sent strikes me, if it should appear to you ** any way erroneous or objectionable, you ** will have the goodness to point it out, “ and let me know the amount of what I “ am held indebted to the public on this ac“ count, and I shall send you a draft ac“ cordingly.”—About three weeks after, Gen. Este received a letter from Major De Lancey dated June 21, informing him that his proposal appeared to him a most equitable mode of adjustment both to the public and the department, and that he had taken the liberty of naming it to the Barrack Master General, who had empowered him to conclude the business. Thus stood the agreement, and Gen. Este heard no more of it till the month of October, when Mr. Davison's agent made a demand on him for the sum of 138, 19s, which he paid by drast, as set forth in Mr. Davison's observations. If any deviation were made from the original agreement it was totally unknown to Gen. Este, which Major De Lancey shogld answer for his own credit; and the general trusts, on better founded ground than Mr. Davison has given to the public in his obser. ' vations, viz. –“ That his agent had Major

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“De Lancey's permission not to charge the

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“ general more than he thought the coals “ cost, as be knew the general was very fond “ of money.” An assertion Gen Este trusts will be readily confuted by the whole of his military acquaintance, who must have known him in the discharge of many public situations, in all of which, he feels, he stands secure from every degree of meanness, and has ever been a marked enemy to peculation, and was never concerned in any dirty job : nor can he see any other motive for the introduction of so malicious an insinuation in Mr. Davison's observations, unless to give a momentary gloss to transactions that will not bear the test of public enquiry. Mr. Davison is pleased to observe on the extreme singularity of the following draft, viz. £38, 19s. 0d. Alderney, Oct. 10, 1801. “Ten days after date pay to Alex. Davison, “ Esq. or his order, the sum of thirty eight “ pounds and nineteen shillings, (being for “four hundred and ninety two bushels of “ coals, delivered by the said Mr. Davison into the barrack store of this island, on “ my account, at the rate of nineteen pence “ per bushel, including cartage and storage) “ being the price charged to government, “ and place the same with or without fur“ ther advice to the account of — Gentle“ men, your most obedient servant, (Signed) C. W. Este, B. G." Messrs. Meyrick, Spring Garden, London.” Surely under the circumstances of the agreement it was a most proper draft, and particularly as the bill presented was by a perfect stranger to the getteral, and a clerk to the agent of the contractor, and the charges not certified by any officer of the Barrack Department, Besides, at the time of making the payment the general's mind was strongly impressed with the unreasonableness of the charge, it differing so widely from the

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current prices he had seen in the public pa

pers, and which he had submitted to Maj. De Lancey in his letter of the 6th June.— Mr. Davison observes, that the price of coals at the time of Gen. Este's payment was by certificate 72 shillings per chaldron: on which Gen. Este takes the liberty to remark he has a receipt of a Mr. T. Boucher, clerk to a Mr. Walker of Guernsey, dated the 13th of the same month, acknowledging to have received the sum of t 4. 7s 6d. for fifty bushels of coals sold by Mr. Walker, and laid in at the general's house, at the rate of 63 shillings per chaldron, and both persons were aifi are entire strangers to Gen. Este, of course he had no reason to expect favour nor did he seek any.—C. W. Este, -Great Portland Street, July 1, lso - .

- PUBLIC PAPER. Treaty BETwee N PRussia AND FRANCE – Conditions of Peace between his Majesty the Emperor of the French and King of Jtaly, and his Majesty the King of Prussia, done at Tilsit, the 9th July, 1807. - His Majesty, the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, and Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine, and his Majesty the King of Prussia, animated with the same desire of putting an end to the calanities of war, for that purpose, appointed plenipotentiaries, namely; on the part of his Majesty the Emperor of France and King of Italy, Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine, M. Ch. Maurice Tallyrand, Prince of Benevento, his Great Chamberlain, and Minister for Foreign Affairs, &c. &c.; and on that of his Majesty the King of Prussia, M. Marshal Count de Kalkreuth, Knight of the Prussian Orders of the Black and Red Eagle, and Count Von Golz, his Privy Counsellor, Envoy Extraordinary, and Minister Plenipotentiary to his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, and Knight of the Prussian Order of the Black Eagle: who after the exchange of their several full powers, have agreed on the following articles:—Article 1. From the day of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, there shall be perfect peace and amity between the King of Prussia and the Emperor of France.— Art. II. The part of the Duchy of Magdeburg which lies on the right bank of the Elbe; the Mark of Preignitz, the Ukermark, and the new Mark of Brandenburgh, with the exception of the Circle of Rothus, in Lower Lusatia; the Duchy of Pomerania, Upper, Lower, and New Silesia, with the County of Glatz; the part of the district of Mess which lies to the north of the road from Driesen to Schneidesmuhl, and to the north of a line passing from Schneidesmuhl, by Woldau, to the Vistula, and to the frontiers of the Circle of Bromberg Pomerelia; the Island of Nogat, and the country on the right bank of the Vistula and the Nogat, to the west of Old Prussia; and to the Circle Culmer : finally, the kingdom of Prussia, as it was on the 1st of January, 1772, shall be restored to his Majesty the King of Prussia, with the fortresses of Spandau, Stettin, Custrim, Glogau, Bre-law, Schweidnitz, Niesse, Brieg-Cosel, and Gloz; and, in general, all the places, citadels, casties, and forts of the above mentioned, shall be restored in the state in which they at present are: the town and citadel of Graudenz, with the villages of Neudorf, Parschken, and Schwierkorzy, shall likewise be restored to his Najesty the

King of Prussia—Art III. His Majesty the

King of Prussia acknowledges his Majesty the King of Naples, Joseph Napoleon, and his Majesty the King of Holland, Louis Na. poleon.—Art. IV. #. Majesty the King of Prussia in like manner acknowledges the Confederation of the Rhine, and the presen state of the possyssions of the sovereigns § which it is composed, and the titles which have been bestowed on them, either by the act of confederation, or by the subsequent treaties. His said Majesty likewise engages to acknowledge those sovereigns who, in future, shall become members of the said confederation, and the titles they may receive by their treaties of accession. Art. V. The present Treaty of Peace and Amity shall be

in common for his Majesty the King of Na

ples, Joseph Napoleon, for his Majesty the King of Holland, and for the Sovereigns of the Conscieration of the Rhine, the allies of his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon.—Art. VI. His Majesty the King of Prussia, in like manner, acknowledges his Imperial Highness Prince Jerome Napoleon as King of Westphalia. Art. VII. His Majesty the King of Prussia cedes, in fall right of pro; perty and sovereignty to the Kings, Grand Dukes and Dukes, and Princes, who shall be pointed out by his Majesty the Emperor of the French and King of Italy, all the Duchies, Margravates, Principalities, Counties, and Lordships, and, in general, all the territories and domains, and all territorial property of whatever kind, or by whatever title possessed, by his Majesty the King of Prus: sia, between the Rhine and the Elbe, at the commencement of the present war.——Art. VIII. The kingdom of Westphalia shall consist of the provinces ceded by his Majesty the King of Prussia, and of ether states which are at present in possession of his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon.——Art. IX. The arrangements which his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon shall make in the coun. tries alluded to in the two preceding articles, and the occupation of the same by those sovereigns in whose favour he shall make such arrangements, shall be acknowledged by his Majesty the King of Prussia, in the same manner as if they were contained and stipulated in the present treaty. Art. X. His Majesty the King of Prussia renounces for himself, his heirs, and successors, all actual or future right which he has or may require. 1. To all territory without exception, situate between the Elbe and the Rhine, and in general to all not described in Art. VII. 2. To all possessions of his Majesty the King of Saxony and of the House of Anhalt, situate on the right bank of the Elbe. On the other hand, all rights or claims of the states

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