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urge more forcibly. It should always, be borne in mind; because the outcry against Jacobins and Levellers " is very convenient for the purpose of bewildering, the ublic mind, and of turning it aside from that which ought to be the chief object of its attention. It is useless to clamour in this way, unless for the purpose of mislead. ing; for still we, if we think justly, ishall say: “Very well, the Jacobins and “ Levellers may be consummate villains, “but, at any rate, they have had no hand “ in producing the distresses and the dan“gers, with which you yourselves say that “ the nation is now surrounded. One set of “ you, as to these military means, enact, in “ 1803, that there shall be volunteers, an .." army of reserve, aud a bailot for militia; “ another set of you come, in 1804, and “ enact, that there shall be no army of res' serve, no ballot for militia, and that “ there shall be a parish bill, and a perma“nent duty of volunteers ; a third set of “ you come, in 1806, and enact, that there “shall be no permanent duty of volunteers, “ that most of the allowances to them shall “ cease, that there shall be no inspecting “ field officers, and that there shall be a “ training of the people ; a fourth set of “you come, in 1807, and you enact, that “ there shall be inspecting field officers, * that the volunteers shall be revived, and “ that the ballot for militia shall be restored “ with greater rigour than ever. But, with * all, or with any part of this, the Jacobins “ and Levellers have nothing to do. It is ".. all-your own work. You have had all " our property and all our persons at your “ command. You have been left quite un“ checked. Your imagination has had full “scope for all its freaks; and, therefore, “ whatever be the consequence, blame not “ us.”— It was stated, and, I think, proved, during the debates that have taken place upon the subject of time plan now before us, that there are already men enough embodied, if those men were properly managed. And, when such a proposition was brought forward, it does not seem that it would have been too much to inquire a little into the management of the force now on foot, especially after what has transpired with respect to the men, who, as the newspapers tell us, have blinded themselves, in order to procnre, thereby, a discharge from the service. The account of the transactions,

here alluded to, I here insert from the Cou- .

rier news-paper of the 20th of July last.— “A most wicked and diabolical conspiracy “ has lately been discovered in the 28th "regiment of foot, stationed at Malden is . * , , , ; * * *

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Essex. The conspirators having heard that many of our soldiers, on their return from Egypt, were afflicted with a disorder called the Ophthalmia, which occasioned blindness, originated a report that the complaint was infectious, and that about 300 of that regiment had experienced its dreadful effects. Many of the men exhibited every appearance of this alarming calamity. Some were totally blind, and others had suffered the loss of one oye. Government became much alarmed at the affair, and surgeons of eminence were sent down to investigate the disorder. Some of the men were in consequence discharged, and others were pensioned and sent to Chelsea. One man expressing a wish to be sent home to Ireland, was allowed a guide to attend him. At length it appears, from the confession of one, who became an evidence against the rest, that the blindness was temporary, and caused by the application of a certain ointment to the eyes. In general, the blindness did not continue longer than three weeks, unless to continue the deception a repetition of the ointment was adoped. Every man using the ointment was bound by a particular oath devised for the occasion, not to discover the secret. This man stated that this strange and abominable scheme. was engaged in for the purpose of procuring discharges, or being sent to Chelsea, &c. Mr. Graham, the Magistrate, and Mr. Stafford, chief clerk of Bow-street, to whom the public is already so much indebted, have attended several examinations of the culprits at Malden. The last took place on Friday, when the witness deposed, that the ointment was used by nearly 300 men; some caused both eyes to be affected, and others thought it sufficient to become blind in the firelock eye only. The witness also stated that on a certain morning after one of his comrades had nsed the pernicious ointment, he met him and said, “How do you do, -?” “By J–s, “charmingly (said be), for I am quite “blind of one eye and devil a much can “I see with the other." The oath was proved against 28, who were committed to Chelmsford gaol, and will take their trials on Tuesday next for a conspiracy, under the mutiny act, which deciarer, that “ any person being legally enlisted “for his Majesty's service; and shall, “either by maiming himself, or causing “ himself to be maimed, for the pur“pose of obtaining his discharge, is lia“ble to be tried by the Civil Power, “ “and transported for life.” The others ‘ implicated, as far as regards the oint“ ment, will be tried by a court martial, as “ soon as it can be assembled in the eastern “ districts.” — So, it is necessary, is it, to send for police magistrates down into the counties, when any examination of consequence is to take place; and then to puff those magistrates off in the London newspapers? Was there no magistrate in Essex; no gentleman in the commission of the peace, capable of acting upon an occasion like this 2 There is a mistake about “ the conspirators having heard that many “ of the soldiers from Egypt became “blind ;” for this very 28th regiment were in Egypt; they were at the battle of Alexandria, where they behaved with singular bravery, it being owing to their courage and discipline, that the 42nd regiment, after being broken, were not cut totally to pieces. So that these men had seen the effects of the Egyptian sun and sand.—As to the act of making themselves blind, there is not a possibility of expressing one's feelings. But, ought there not to be some inquiry with respect to the cause of a hatred of the service such as these men must have entertained 2 I leave the editor of the Courier to characterize the conduct of these soldiers; but, I ask the reader, what, he thinks, must become the state of his mind, before ‘he could attempt to afflict himself with even a temporary blindness' Unhappy wretches are sometimes guilty of self-murder; but, to do an act, voluntarily, which shall expose you to the risk of blindness, is, surely, the-next in order, as expressive of despair. This is a dreadful symptom. It is in vain that a hint is thrown out, that these self-blinders are all Irishuyen. That cannot very well be true. There must, in all probability, have been many Englishmen out of the three hundred. And is not the cause worthy of enquiry It is nonsense to treat the act as a mere conspiracy. A conspiracy of men against their own eye-sight ! Say, that it was for the purpose of obtaining their release from the service; but, if they will do this for that porpose, what will they not do for the same purpose 2 You will transport them for life, if you detect them. And, will that have any terrors for men so disposed 2 There must be a something, a cause some where, which renders life a burden in the service, before men will endeavour to release themselves by such means. Therefore, I hope, that the government will set on foot a rigorous inquiry into this cause; and, that whatever it be, it will be removed, before the time comes,

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when the army is to be called to the coast, there to defend the country against an invading enemy. The cause may be in the erroneous notions of the soldiers themselves, or in their perverseness; but, wherever it be, it is, by wise management, capable of being removed. For my part, I have heard of nothing so alarming as this indubitable proof of hatred to the service. I hope, that “ hush” will not be the word here too; if it be, our situation is desperate indeed : To return, for a moment, to the plan, if a plan it can be called; the best plan wo...ld be to do something, that should give the great mass of the people new feelings with respect to their country and the dangers which threaten it. Mr. Whitbread, in the debate of the 27th of July, said “ that nothing would tend more to the strength and security of that empire than the true sentiment of cordial union and “ co-operation through all orders of the people. I have always (said he) thought “ that your best strength would be peace “ among yourselves; peace with your de

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“ pendencies, and above all, peace in Ireland

(a general cry of hear ! hear ()—peace “ with the Irish Catholic, and that would “do more for you than all your measures “ for new lovies and new conscripts."— Yes, “ a general cry of hear, hear"; but, there is something more than a cry of this sort required. The exigency of the moment is pleaded; it has been pleaded any time these fifteen years last past; but, it isstrange, that, at no part of that period, it never should have been thought of to try measures other than those of new burdens and additional force. Necessity is constantly the plea for those measures, and it is not strange, that that same necessity should never have been the plea for measures of a different sort There are now 38,000 men to be raised by ballot, this will require about the sum (for it is the money and not persons of the balloted nien that is obtained) Ł700,000. Now, why not raise this sum, at once upon men who have incomes of more than £300 a year 2 If all place-men, pensioners and others deriving great emoluments from the public were to give up only one year's income, that alone would raise the 38,000 men, supposing them to be necessary. And would this be too much to sacrifice upon such an occasion ? The sinecures of the Grenville family, together with those of Lords Arden, Hobart, Bathurst, and Hawkesbury, would, at once, yield, for one year, about 4,100,000. Would this be too much to think of It is not easy to calculate how great the effect of this would be upon the uninds of the people. But, I am willing to bear my share. I am willing to see the expence

borne in the manner first proposed. Any thing rather than press harder upon the peopie; any thing rather than make them desperate; any thing rather than risk the danger of inducing them to think, that they have nothing to lose from the invasion of their country. The people fully expected, that the ballot would never be revived, and in that expectation they felt great consolation. What, then, must now be the effect, when every parish receives the news, that a ballot, more heavy than ever, is approaching How many fathers, mothers, and wives will now be kept in hourly apprehension | What discontent must be excited in the breasts of those liable to the ballot | What curses will they not bestow upon the military life What insuring, what crimping, what fraudulent practices, what base mess and knavery of all sorts will not this measure give rise to . Better, a thousand times better, a conscription for personal service at once, because, though the measure would be liard, it would be impartial; it would fall with equal weight upon the rich and upon the poor. AMERICAN STATEs.-The history of the squabble which has taken place between these States and us is given in the following paragraph, said to be an extract of a letter from Halifax, Nova Scotia, dated on the 5th of July. “This is to advise you of an “important event, which has lately taken “ place off the Capes of Virginia. The “American frigate Chesapeak, of 44 guns, “ commodore Barron, was known to have “ several deserters from onr ships, lying off “ Norfolk (watching the French), on board “ her. Representations of the fact had “ been, as I am informed, and believe, “made to the American Secretary of the “ Navy, to which no satisfactory answer “ was given. Captain Douglas, senior offic, r “ on that station, knowing the Chesapeak “ about to sal for the Mediterranean, order“ed the Leopard to cruize for her off he “Capes, and to examine her for the deser“ters. Accordingly, when captain Hum“ phreys, who commands the Leopard, “ came up with the Chesapeak, he sent a “ boat on board, with advice of the infor“ mation he had received of the deserters, “ann his orders to search for them. Com“modore Barron refusing to allow the search, captain Humphreys fired several “shots, which the other paying no atten“tion to, he at length fired a broadside, “ which she returned by six or seven scatter

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“ ing guns, and, on receiving a second broadside, struck her colours. On examipation, the deserters, to the number of five or six, were found, the very men who had been demanded.—In this short rencontre the Chesapeak had 6 men killed, and 21 wounded, and has returned into port very much shattered. The above is as nearly the state of the case as I can recollect, from verbal communication, not having seen any written account “ of the business. I am farther informed, that the inhabitants of Norfolk, at a Town Meeting since, have entered into some violent resolutions, and have prohibited all intercourse with our ships, and all supplies of water and provisions—This affair, I am informed, took place on the 23d of June, and, as far as I can learn, has been conducted with great coolness and temper by capt. Humphreys. What will be the result time must determine; but if we give up the right of search, we shall soon be obliged to resign the enpire' of the seas. This goes by the Sylvia cutter, dispatched by admiral Berkeley, with the account to government.”— The American statement is said to be this. “They admit the desertion of the men from the English ships; they admit that a remonstrance was made in the latter end of May or beginning of June, to the Secretary of the Navy of the United States, and they state, that in consequence the men were taken into custody, and carried to Washington, were they underwent a regular examination in the presence of Mr. Erskine, the English Ambassador, and that, on the examination they proved themselves to be citizens of the United States, born at or near Baltimore, and they had been pressed into the British service in Hair:pton Roads." The ministers have said, in the House of Commons, that they are not fully informed. upon this subject; and, I was very sorry to hear Mr. Perceval say what seemed to indicase a decided disposition to yield. If they do yield, if they follow the advice of the Morning Chronicle (which, for years, seems to have had a general retainer from the Americans) our navy will not be long-lived. Mind, I do not pretend to say, that we may not, in this instance, have been in the wrong; because there is nothing authentic upon the subject; nor am I prepared to say, that our right of search, in all cases, extends to ships of war; but of this I am c. rain, that, if the law of nations do not allow you to search for deserters in a friend's territory, neither

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do they allow that friend to inveigle away your troops or your seamen, to do which is an art of hostility, and I ask for no better proof of inveigling, than the enlisting and the refusing to give up, such troops or seamen The American statement I do not believe ; and, were there ne other witnesses, I would not believe it upon the oaths of all their sea captains put together. The fault of our officers, upon that station, has been excessive forbearance. We have suffered greatly from our tameness towards those states. Our commanders (with some few exceptions) have discovered the feelings of traders to America. The insults and injuries they have endured were disgraceful. The Americans are like the worst sort of women. They will set up a terrible outcry. They will beat Admiral Berkeley in lungs; but, if we keep a firm foot, they will soon listen to reason.—Poor CAPTAIN BARRoN and his frigate! I dare say, that this swaggering blade

who is, doubtless, dubbed Commodore)

as, a thousand times said, that he wished for such an opportunity as this. I can form a very accurate conception of the rage of the people at Norfolk, and of the noisy townmeeting; and, their burning of the water casks of the Melampus is perfectly in character, putting one in mind of the savages, who used to destroy the boat tackling of Captain Cook and to murder his straggling mariners, when one of their queens or princesses had been induced (without much importunity) to commit a faux pas with some one or other of the crew. As to poor Commodore Barron, I should not wonder, if they were to eat him alive. Their rage must be beyond all bounds, and if, in their manner of expressing it, they should appear to be very nice, all I can say is, they are greatly reformed.—The Morning Chronicle seems to anticipate an Iliad of woes from a war with the American States. I thought I had proved to him, that that country could not go to war with us, without producing its own destruction as a political body. If necessary, I will prove it to him again. But I would not, because I am morally certain of this, commit an act of injustice towards America. I would only demand and insist upon the rights of England; and, above all other things, I would insist upon it, that America should not be permitted to destroy the British navy.—We are, not, observe, to judge of the feelings of the peopse of America, properly so called, by what we read in their base and ignorant newspapers, any more than we are to judge of the feelines of the people of England by

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what we read from the London daily press. Nor is the conduct of the rum-soused rabble at Norfolk any criterion. More than one half of the people of America are disgusted at the base partiality, which is shown to our enemies; and, though the other part is by far the most noisy, I venture to predict, that, when time has been taken to cool men's minds, the voice of our friends, and the friends of justice, will prevail. They will not go to war with us. Without justifiable cause ; without some act of clear injustice on our part, their government will not venture upon such a measure; and, as I am pretty certain that our fault will not be on that side, I conjure the ministers to remain firm.—In all disputes with America, there is a set of persons amongst us, who are always ready to presume against ourselves. This is intolerable, and that, too, while our presumption is exactly the contrary with respect to disputes between us and every other feeble power. The reason is, that there are so many persons here, who have property in the American funds; that there are so many partners in American mercantile houses, as they are called ; and

that there are so many opulent manufacturers, who keep thousands of English for their:

wretches to “work and weep, own profit and for the clothing of the Americans. This is the principal reason of a partiality so unnatural, and so disgraceful to our character. “Peace, peace,” says Mr. Whitbread. Aye, peace as soon as possible; but if you mean submission I am for putting it off to the last moment. I am far, God knows my heart, from relishing submission at home; but, let my country hold up her head at any rate. In dismissing this subject for the present, I beg leave just to add, that, if we permit the Americans to inveigle and detain our seamen, we cannot have a navy. The Americans will, in fact, recruit for France ; and, England will be beaten by her own seamen. - -

SIR HENRY Mildmay. A correspondent has favoured me with some documents relating to the Moulsham contract. They, and the statement arising out of them, shall be inserted in my next; and, in the meanwhile I am ready to declare, that they contain some circumstances very favourable to Sir Henry Mildmay, who, upon a view of these circumstances, appears to have said against himself much more than has been said against him by every body else, and certainly unuch more than the whole documents, as I now possess them, did by any means warrant. PUBLIC PAPER. Prussia —Treaty of Peace and Amity letween his Britannic Majesty and the King of Prussia, signed at 41emel, January 28, 1507. His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his Majesty the King of Prussia, being equal. ly desirous to terminate in an amicable manner, and to settle by a formal treaty, the differences which have for a short time interrupted the relations of union and good understanding which had so long subsisted between then; their said Majesties have nominated as their plenipotentiaries to be employed in this important undertaking, namely, on the part of his Britannie Majesty, the Rt. Hon. J. Hely Baron Hutchinson, a General of his Army, and Knight of the Most Hon. Military Order of the Bath; and on the part of his Prussian Majesty, the Sieur Frederic William de Zastrow, his Minister of State and Cabinet, Major General of his Armies, and Knight of the Orders of the Red Eagle and of Merit, who, after having communicated and exchanged their respective full powers, and found them in due form, have agreed upon the following articles: Art. 1. There shall be between their Britannic and Prussian M.jesties, their heirs and successors, their kingdom, proVinces, and subjects, perpetual and inviolable peace, sincere uniou, and perfect friend. ship, to the end that the teniporary misunderstanding which has recently taken place, shall, from the present moment, be regarded as entirely at an end, and shall be buried in eternal oblivion.—Art. 2. The accommodation and the reconciliation between the two courts having for their basis the renunciation, on the part of his Prussian Majesty, of the country of Hanover, his said Majesty relinquishes all right and title whatsoever to the actual and future possession of the Elec. toral Territories of his Britannic, Majesty, and renounces, at the same time, all the pretensions which he had advanced to those States. And in case the events of the war should bring about the re-occupation of the Electorate of Hanover by the *

armies, his Majesty the King of Prussia en

gages not to take possession of the Electorate but in the name of his Britannic Majes. ty, and immediately to re establish the ancient form of civil government and the anSient constituted authorities of his Britannic Majesty, which authorities shall be formally invested with the entire administration of affairs, in the name, and for the advantage of their legitimate Sovereign.—Art. 3. The feedom of navigation and of commerce shall

be restored to the subjects of his Prussian Majesty, as it formerly was in time of peace, and on the same footing as it was betore the period of the late exclusion of the British flag from the rivers Etus, Weser, and Elbe : and his said Britannic Majesty baving with this view already issued an order, bearing date the 19th November, 1800, to all officers commanding his ships of war, as well as to all privateers, not further to molest, detain, or bring in any Prussian vessels which they may meet at sea, provided their cargoes be innocent and not prohibited by the laws of war, and that they be not bound to ports belonging to the enemies of Great Britain, or occupied by them, the said order shall continue to be observed, and to have effect in its full force and extent. - Art. 4. And in pursuance of the above de-et mination, his Britannic Majesty promises a.d engages to issue to his Admiralty, without delay, the necessary orders that the merchant vessels which, by the Proclamation of the 24th of September, 1806, were subject to provisionary detention, shall be released and restored to their proprietors, with perfect liberty either to continue their voyages, if their place of destination be not prohibited, or otherwise to return to their own country.—Art. 5. The crews of all the Prussian vessels brought into British ports since the publication of the letters of marque, shall be set at liberty immediately after the conclusion of the present treaty ; and the British government shall cause them to return, in the most direct and expeditious manner, into the dominions of his Prussian Majesty, to whatever place shall be hereafter agreed upon.— Art. o. His Majesty the King of Prussia engages not to impede, nor to allow any other power to impede, the free navigation of his Britannic Majesty in any of the ports of his dominions, but, on the contrary, to afford full liberty to the English flag to enter into and to proceed from the abovenientioned ports in the same manner, as before the late closing of the rivers Ems, Weser, and Elbe. —Art 7. The two high contracting parties mutually promise and engage to invite his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias to take upon himself the guarantee of the renunciation on the part of his Prussian Majesty, of his rights and pretensions to the country of Hanover, as stipulated in the second article of the present treaty.—Art. 8. Every other subject of discussion or arrangement between the two courts, is reserved for future amicable adjustment.—Art. 9. The ratifications, drawn up in due and proper form, shall be exchanged in the space of six

! weeks, or sociler if possible, in case the Pro

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