sian treaty of Tilsit; while contributions are arbitrarily exacted by France from that rem nant of the Prussian monarchy, such as, in its entire and most flourishing state, the Prussian monarchy would have been unable to discharge; while the surrender is demand

of mediation on the part of the Emperor of Russia, for the conclusion of a peace between G. Britain and France; which, it is asserted, that his Maj. refused. His Maj. did not refuse the mediation of the Emperor of Russia; although the offer of it was accompanied by circumstances of concealed, in time of peace, of Prussian fortresses,

which had not been reduced during the wat; and while the power of France is exercised over Prussia with such shameless tyranny, as to designate and demand for instant death. individuals, subjects of his Prussian Maj. and resident in his dominions, upon a charge of disrespect towards the French government; it is not while all these things are done and suffered, under the eyes of the Emperor of Russia, and without his interference on behalf of his ally, that his Maj. can feel himself called upon to account to Europe for having hesitated to repose an unconditional confidence in the efficacy of his Imperial Maj.'s mediation.-Nor, even if that mediation had taken full effect, if a peace had been concluded under it, and that peace guaranteed by his Imperial Maj., could his Maj. have placed implicit reliance on the stability of any such arrangement, after having seen the Emperor of Russia openly transfer to France the sovereignty of the Jonian republic, the independence of which his Imperial Maj. had recently and solemnly guaranteed-But while the alleged rejection of the Emperor of Russia's mediation, between G. Britain and France, is stated as a just ground of his Imperial Maj.'s resentment; his Maj.'s request of that mediation, for the re-establishment of peace between G. Britain and Denmark, is represented as an insult which it was beyond the bounds of his Imperial Maj 's moderation to endure.→ His Maj. feels himself under no obligation to offer any atonement or apology to the Emperor of Russia for the expedition against Copenhagen. It is not for those who were parties to the secret arrangements of Tilsit, to demand satisfaction for a measure to which those arrangements gave rise, and by which oue of the objects of them has been happily de

ment, which might well have justified his refusal. The articles of the treaty of Tilsit were not communicated to his Maj; and specifically that article of the treaty in virtue of which the mediation was proposed, and which prescribed a limited time for the return of his Maj.'s answer to that proposal. And his Maj. was thus led into an apparent compliance with a limitation so offensive to the dignity of an independent sovereign. But the answer so returned by his Maj. was not a refusal. It was a conditional acceptance. The conditions required by his Maj. were a statement of the basis upon which the enemy was disposed to treat; and a communication of the articles of the peace of Tilsit. The first of these conditions was precisely the same which the Emperor of Russia had himself annexed not four months before to his own acceptance of the proffered mediation of the Emperor of Austria, The second was one which his Maj. would have had a right to require, even as the ally of his Imperial Maj.: but which it would have been highly improvident to omit, when he was invited to confide to his Imperial Maj. the care of his honour and of his interest. But even if these conditions (neither of which has been fulfilled, although the fulfilment of them has been repeatedly required by his Maj.'s ambassador at St. Petersburgh), had not been in themselves perfectly natural and necessary; there were not wanting considerations which might have warranted his Maj. in endeavouring, with more than ordinary anxiety, to ascertain the views and intentions of the Emperor of Russia, and the precise nature and effect of the new relations which his Imperial Maj. had contracted.—The complete abandonment of the interests of the King of Prussia (who had twice rejected proposals of sepa-feated.-His Maj.'s justification of the experate peace, from a strict adherence to his engagements with his Imperial ally), and the character of those provtsions which the Emperor of Russia was contented to make for his own interests in the negociations of Tilsit, presented no encouraging prospect of the result of any exertions which his Imperial Maj. might be disposed to employ in favour of G. Britain.It is not, while a French army still occupies and lays waste the - remaining dominions of the King of Prussia, in spite of the stipulations of the Prus

diton against Copenhagen is before the world. The Declaration of-the Emperor of Russia would supply whatever was wanting in it, if any thing could be wanting to convince the most incredulous of the urgency of that necessity under which his Maj. acted.-But until the Russian Declaration was published, his Maj. had no reason to suspect that any opinions which the Emperor of Russia might entertain of the transactions at Copenhagen, could be such as to preclude his Imperial Maj. from undertaking at the request of G.

Britain, that same office of mediator, which he had assumed with so much alacrity on the behalf of France.-Nor can his Maj. forget, that the first symptoms of reviving confidence, since the peace of Tilsit, the only prospect of success in the endeavours of his Maj's ambassador to restore the ancient good understanding between G. Britain and Russia, appeared when the intelligence of the siege of Copenhagen had been recently received at St. Petersbugh. The inviolability of the Baltic Sea, and the reciprocal guarantees of the powers that border upon it, guarantees said to have been contracted with the knowledge of the British government, are stated as aggravations of his Maj.'s proceedings in the Baltic. It cannot be intended to represent his Maj. as having at any time acquiesced in the principles upon which the inviolability of the Baltic is maintained, hovewer his Maj. may, at particular periods, have forborne, for special reasons, influencing his conduct at the time, to act in contradiction of them. Such forbearance never could have applied but to a state of peace and real neutrality in the North; and his Maj. most assuredly could not be expected to recur to it, after France has been suffered to establish herself in undisputed sovereignty along the whole coast of the Baltic Sea, from Dantzig to Lubee.-But the higher the value which the Emperor of Russia places on the engagements respecting the tranquillity of the Baltic, which he describes himself as inheriting from his immediate predecessors, the Empress Catherine and the Emperor Paul, the less justly can his Imperial Maj. resent the appeal made to him by his Maj. as the guarantee of the peace to be concluded between G. Britain and Denmark. In making that appeal, with the utmost confidence and sincerity, his Maj. neither intended, nor can he imagine that he offered, any insult to the Emperor of Russia. Nor can his Maj. conceive that, in proposing to the Prince Royal terms of peace, such as the most successful war on the part of Denmark could hardly have been expected to extort from G. Britain, his Maj. rendered himself liable to the imputation, either of exasperating the resentment, or of outraging the dignity, of Denmark.-His Maj. has thus replied to all the different accusations by which the Russian government labours to justify the rupture of a connection which has subsisted for ages, with reciprocal ad-portant at a period when the maritime power vantages to G. Britain and Russia; and attempts to disguise the operation of that external influence by which Russia is driven into unjust hostilities for interests not her own. The Russian Declaration proceeds to

announce the several conditions on which alone these hostilities can be terminated, and the intercourse of the two countries renewed.-His Maj. has already had occasion to assert that justice has in no instance been denied to the claims of his Imperial Maj.'s subjects -The termination of the war with Denmark has been so anxiously sought by his Maj., that it cannot be necessary for his Maj. to renew any professions upon that subject. But his Maj. is at a loss to reconcile the Emperor of Russia's present anxiety for the completion of such an arrangement, with his Imperial Maj.'s recent refusal to contribute his good offices for effecting it The requisition of his Imperial Maj. for the immediate conclusion, by his Maj., of a peace with France, is as extraordinary in the substance, as it is offensive in the manner. His Maj, has at no time declined to treat with France, when France has professed a willingness to treat on an admissible basis, And the Emperor of Russia cannot fail to remember that the last negociation between G. Britain and France was broken off, upon points immediately affecting, not his Maj.'s own interests, but those of his Imperial ally. But his Maj. neither nnderstands, nor will he admit, the pretension of the Emperor of Russia to dictate the time, or the mode, of his Maj.'s pacific negociation with other powers. It never will be endured by his Maj. that any government shall indemuify itself for the humiliation of subserviency to France, by the adoption of an insulting and peremptory tone towards G. Britain.His Maj. proclaims anew those principles of maritime law, against which the armed neutrality, under the auspices of the Empress Catherine, was originally directed; and against which the present hostilities of Russia are denounced. Those principles have been recognized and acted upon in the best periods of the history of Europe; and acted upon by no power with more strictness and severity, than by Russia herself in the reign of the Empress Catherine. Those principles it is the right and the duty of his Maj, to maintain: And against every confederacy, his Maj. is determined, under the blessing of divine Providence, to maintain them. They have at all times contributed essentially to the support of the maritime power of G. Britain; but they are become incalculably more valuable and im

of G. Britain constitutes the sole remaining bulwark against the overwhelming usurpa tions of France; the only refuge to which other nations may yet resort, in happier times, for assistance and protection.—When

since my last communications to Congress, to bring them to a close. But under a state of things, which may favour re-consideration, they have been recently pressed, and an expectation is entertained they may now soon be brought to an issue of some sort. With their subjects on our borders, no new collisions have taken place, nor seem immediately to be apprehended. To our former ground of complaints has been added a very serious one, as you will see by the decree, a copy of which is now communicated. Whether this decree, which-professes to be conformable to that of the French government of Nov. 21, 1806, heretofore communicated to Congress, will also be conformed to that in its construction and application in relation to the United States, had not been ascertained at the date of our last communications. These, however, gave reason to expect such conformity With the other nations of Europe our harmony has been uninterrupted, and commerce and friendly intercourse have been maintained on their usual footing.Our peace with the several States on the coast of Barbary, appears as firm as at any former period, and as likely to continue as that of any other nation.-Among our Indian neighbours in the North Western quarters, some fermentations were observed soon after the late occurrences, threatening the continuance of our peace. Messages were said to be interchanged, and tokens to be passing, which usually denotes a state of restlessness among them, and the character of the agitators pointed to the sources of excitement. Measures were immediately taken for providing against that danger; instructions were given to require explanations, and with assurances of our continued friendship, to admonish the tribes to remain quiet at home, taking no part in quarrels not belonging to them. As far as we are yet informed, the tribes in our vicinity, who are most advanced in the pursuits of industry, are sincerely-dis posed to adhere to their friendship with us, and to their peace with all others; while those more remote, do not present appearances sufficiently quiet to justify the intermission of military precaution on our part.

and four taken away. On this outrage no commentaries are necessary. Its character has been pronounced, by the indignant voice of our citizens, with an emphasis,- an unanimity never exceeded. I immediately, by proclamation, interdicted our harbours and waters to all British armed vessels, forbade intercourse with them; and uncertain how far hostilities were intended, and the town of Norfolk indeed being threatened with immediate attack, a sufficient force was ordered for the protection of that place, and such other preparations commenced and pursued as the prospect rendered proper. An armed vessel of the U. States was dispatched with instructions to our ministers at London, to call on that government for the satisfaction and security required by the outrage. A very short interval ought now to bring the answer, which shall be communicated to you as soon as received; then also, or as soon after as the public interests shall be found to admit, the unratified treaty, and proceedings relative to it, shall be made known to you. -The aggression, thus begun, has been continued on the part of the British commanders, by remaining within our waters, in defiance of the authority of the country, by habitual violations of its jurisdiction, and at length by putting to death one of the persons whom they had forcibly taken from on board the Chesapeake. These aggravations necessarily lead to the policy either of never admitting an armed vessel into our harbours, or of maintaining in every harbour such an armed force as may constrain obedience to the laws, and protect the lives and property of our citizens against their armed guests; but the expense of such a standing force, and its inconsistence with our principles, dispense with those courtesies which would necessarily call for it, and leave us equally free to exclude the navy, as we arethe army of a foreign power, from entering our limits.To former violations of mari. time rights, another is now added of very extensive effect. The government of that nation has issued an order interdicting all trade by neutrals between ports not in amity with them; and being now, at war with nearly every nation on the Atlantic and Me- -The great tribes on our South Western diterranean seas, our vessels. are required to quarter, much advanced beyond the others sacrifice their cargoes at the first port they in agriculture and household arts, appear touch, or to return home without the benefit tranquil, and identifying their views with of going to any other market. Under this ours in proportion to their advancement. new law of the ocean, our trade on the Me-With the whole of these people, in every diterranean has been swept away by seizures and condemnations, and that on other seas is threatened with the same fate.-Qur differences with Spain remain still unsettled, no casures having been taken, on her part,

quarter, I shall continue to inculcate peace and friendship with all their neighbours, and perseverance in those occupations and pursuits which will best promote their own well being.-The appropriations, of the last ses

DIRECTIONS TO THE BOOK-BINDER.

It is to be observed, that this sheet, which is the last of Volume XII, should not be cut open by the Reader, but should be left to the Book binder, who will perceive, that the first half sheet, of which this page makes a part, comes at the end, and that the other half sheet containing the Title Page, Advertisement, and Table of Contents, is to be cut off, and placed at the beginning of the Volume.

Supplement to No. 26, Vol. XII.-Price 104.