He pretended to call on me only from motives of respect for my character, &c. But, after a few compliments, he entered on a similar discourse, urging much to know what terms would satisfy America, and whether, on having peace and independence granted to us, we should not be willing to submit to the Navigation Act, or give equivalent privileges in trade to Britain. The purport of my answer to him was, in short, that peace was of equal value to England as to us, and independence we were already in possession of; that, therefore, England's offer to grant them to us could not be considered as proposing any favor, or as giving her a right to expect peculiar advantages in commerce. By his importunity, I found his visit was not so occasional as he represented it; and, from some expressions, I conjectured he might be sent by Lord Shelburne to sound me, and collect some information. On the whole, I gather from these conversations, that the opposition, as well as the ministry, are perplexed with the present situation of affairs, and know not which way to turn themselves, or whether it is best to go backward or forward, or what steps to take to extricate that nation from its present dangerous situation.

I thought it right to give your Excellency an account of these interviews, and to acquaint you with my intention of avoiding such hereafter; as I see but little prospect of utility in them, and think they are very liable to hurtful misrepresentations.

By advices from London we learn, that a fleet for Quebec, with goods valued at five hundred thousand pounds sterling, is to sail about the end of this month, under convoy only of a single frigate of thirty guns, in which is to go Governor Haldimand.

Enclosed I send a paper I have just received from Lon

don. It is not subscribed by any name, but I know the hand. It is from an old friend, of general and great acquaintance, and marks strongly the present distress and despair of considerate people in England.*

To this note the Count de Vergennes was instructed in answer to convey to Dr. Franklin the King's satisfaction. He added:

"The grand principle of the English policy has always been to excite divisions; and it is by such means she expects to sustain her empire; but it is not upon you, nor upon your colleagues, that she can practise such arts with success.

"I doubt whether this member of Parliament has any mission for us; but he desires to see me, and I expect him in the course of the morning. I should not be at all surprised, if his purpose be to sow distrust between us, by proposing a double negotiation. That I can obviate; but whatever passes between us, however trifling it may be, you shall be made acquainted with."-ED.

CHAPTER XV.

New Attempts to corrupt the Commissioners-Pickpocket Commerce-Too many Cooks-Indiscretion of British Commissioners-The WreckersCruelty to American Prisoners-American Extravagance-Named Minister Plenipotentiary.

To Charles de Weissentein,* dated Passy, July 1, 1778.

1778-1779.

I HAVE received your letter, dated Brussels, the 16th past. My vanity might possibly be flattered by your expressions of compliment to my understanding, if your proposals did not more clearly manifest a mean opinion of it.

In a letter to Elbridge Gerry, dated Passy, July 9, 1778, John Adams says:

"A long letter containing a project for an agreement with America was thrown into one of our grates. There are reasons to believe it came with the privity of the King (George III.). You may possibly see it some time. Full of flattery, and proposing that America should be governed by a Congress of American peers, to be created and appointed by the King, &c. . . .

"Dr. Franklin, to whom this letter was sent, as the writer is supposed to be a friend of his, sent an answer, in which they have received a dose that will make them sick."

Adams continues in his Diary ("Life and Works of John Adams," vol. iii. p. 179):

"Franklin consulted with me, and we agreed, first, to do nothing without previously informing the French court; secondly, as the letter was supposed to come from a friend of Franklin's at the desire, or by orders, of the King,

You conjure me, in the name of the omniscient and just God, before whom I must appear, and by my hopes of future fame, to consider if some expedient cannot be found to put a stop to the desolation of America, and prevent the miseries of a general war. As I am conscious of having taken every step in my power to prevent the breach, and no one to widen it, I can appear cheerfully before that

that Franklin should write the answer. He produced his draught to me, and it was very explicit, decided, and severe, and in direct terms asserted, that by certain terms in the letter, Franklin knew that it came from the King. We sent a copy of the answer to the Comte de Vergennes, as well as the original letter and project, and asked his Excellency's advice, whether we should send it or not. In a letter, the writer proposed that we should meet him at twelve o'clock precisely, in a certain part of the church of Notre Dame, on a certain day, in order to have a personal conference upon the subject. I know not that the papers were ever returned from Versailles. We received no advice to send the answer. The day after the one appointed to meet the messenger at Notre Dame, the Comte de Vergennes sent us the report of the police of Paris, stating that, at the day, hour, and place appointed, a gentleman appeared, and, finding nobody, wandered about the church, gazing at the statues and pictures, and other curiosities of that magnificent cathedral, never losing sight, however, of the spot appointed, and often returning to it, looking earnestly about, at times, as if he expected somebody. His person, stature, figure, air, complexion, dress, and every thing about him, were accurately and minutely described. He remained two hours in the church, and then went out, was followed through every street, and all his motions watched to the hotel where he lodged. We were told the day he arrived there, the name he assumed, which was Colonel Fitz-something,-an Irish name that I have forgotten,-the place he came from, and the time he set off to return.

In my letter to Mr. Gerry it is inaccurately said that Dr. Franklin sent an answer. It was written, and I supposed it would be sent; it was not. Whether the design was to seduce us Commissioners, or whether it was thought that we should send the project to Congress, and that they might be tempted by it, or that disputes might be excited among the people, I know not. In either case it was very weak and absurd, and betrayed a gross ignorance of the genius of the American people."

The letter of De Weissentein here referred to, and given at length in the text, was found by Mr. Sparks in the French archives.-Ed.

God, fearing nothing from his justice in this particular, though I have much occasion for his mercy in many others. As to my future fame, I am content to rest it on my past and present conduct, without seeking an addition to it in the crooked, dark paths, you propose to me, where I should most certainly lose it. This your solemn address would therefore have been more properly made to your sovereign and his venal Parliament. He and they, who wickedly began, and madly continue, a war for the desolation of America, are alone accountable for the consequences.

You endeavour to impress me with a bad opinion of French faith; but the instances of their friendly endeavours to serve a race of weak princes, who, by their own imprudence, defeated every attempt to promote their interest, weigh but little with me, when I consider the steady friendship of France to the Thirteen United States of Switzerland, which has now continued inviolate two hundred years. You tell me, that she will certainly cheat us, and that she despises us already. I do not believe that she will cheat us, and I am not certain that she despises us; but I see clearly that you are endeavouring to cheat us by your conciliatory bills; that you actually despised our understandings, when you flattered yourselves those artifices would succeed; and that not only France, but all Europe, yourselves included, most certainly and for ever would despise us, if we were weak enough to accept your insidious propositions.

Our expectations of the future grandeur of America are not so magnificent, and therefore not so vain or visionary, as you represent them to be. The body of our people are not merchants, but humble husbandmen, who delight in the cultivation of their lands, which, from their fertility and the variety of our climates, are capable of furnishing all the