78

ber 13, 1788, Congress passed a resolution that on the first Wednesday in January, 1789, Presidential electors be chosen in the various States, that on the first Wednesday in February these electors should vote for President and Vice-President, and that on the first Wednesday in March the new Congress should assemble at New York.*

While there had been some doubt as to the successful operation of the new government, none existed as to the man who should be placed at its head and under whom the great experiment should be tested.† That man was George Washington.

He had often

expressed his pleasure at being able to rest from his arduous labors during the war, and thought that some one else should be called upon to shoulder the burdens of the Presidency; but in this present crisis it was thought that his services were imperatively necessary to insure the success of the new Constitution. many ways Washington had been informed of this public sentiment, having received numerous letters from friends, correspondents, and public men all over the country, all urgently entreating him to accept the position, should the electors choose him to fill

In

*Edward Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, p. 8; McMaster, With the Fathers, pp. 150-152.

Curtis, Constitutional History, vol. ii., p. 95. Curtis reviews the necessity of organic laws to supply the machinery of the new government, the mode of choosing the President, his functions, and the effect of the nominating convention on the electoral system (chap. iii.).

it.* But he was reluctant to enter again upon public life. In a letter to Hamilton, he says:

"If I am not grossly deceived in myself, I should unfeignedly rejoice, in case the electors, by giving their votes to some other person, would save me from the dreadful dilemma of being forced to accept or refuse. If that may not be, I am in the next place, earnestly desirous of searching out the truth, and of knowing whether there does not exist a probability that the government would just as happily and effectually be carried into execution, without my aid, as with it. I am truly solicitous to obtain all the previous information which the circumstances will afford, and to determine, (when the determination can no longer be postponed,) according to the principles of right reason, and the dictates of a clear conscience, without too great a reference to the unforeseen consequences which may affect my person or reputation. Until that period, I may fairly hold myself open to conviction, though I allow your sentiments to have weight in them; and I shall not pass by your arguments, without giving them as dispassionate a consideration as I can possibly bestow upon them.

"In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of light I have been able to place it, I will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear sir, that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, as often as I have been taught to expect I might, and, perhaps, must be called upon ere long to make the decision. You will, I am well assured, believe the assertion, though I have little expectation it would gain credit from those who are less acquainted with me, that if I should receive the appointment, and should be prevailed upon to accept, the acceptance would be attended with more difficulty and reluctance, than I ever experienced before. It would be, however, with a fixed and sole determination of lending whatever assistance might be in my power to promote the public weal, in hopes that at a convenient and early period, my services might be dispensed with; and that I might be permitted once more to retire, to pass an unclouded evening, after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of domestic tranquillity."

In a letter to Lafayette, he says:

"Your sentiments, indeed, coincide much more nearly with those of my other friends, than with my own feelings. In truth, my difficulties in

79

nected for many years with the diplomatic service in Europe. Yet, he was somewhat out of sympathy with American democracy; was rather

when, according to the common belief, it will be necessary for me to give a definitive answer in Should circumstances render one way or other. it in a manner inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative, be assured, my dear sir, I shall assume the task with the most unfeigned reluctance, and with a real diffidence, for which I shall prob

ably receive no credit from the world. If I know my own heart, nothing short of a conviction of duty, will induce me again to take an active part in public affairs. And in that case, if I can form a plan for my own conduct, my endeavors

shall be unremittingly exerted, (even at the hazard of former fame or present popularity,) to extricate my country from the embarrassments in which it is entangled through want of credit, and to establish a general system of policy, which, if pursued, will ensure permanent felicity to the commonwealth. I think I see a path as clear and as direct as a ray of light, which leads to the attainment of that object. Nothing but harmony, honesty, industry, and frugality, are necessary to make us a great and a happy people. Happily the present posture of affairs, and the

prevailing disposition of my countrymen, promise to co-operate in establishing those four great and essential pillars of public felicity."

To avoid sectional jealousy, it was felt that a New England man should be chosen Vice-President. It was deemed unwise to put into high office those who had opposed the union, and this eliminated the noted Federalists, Hancock and Samuel Adams.t Hence

the choice fell upon John Adams. A sincere patriot and a strong Federalist, he had such an extensive training in world politics as would perfectly fit him for high office, having been con

*Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iv., p. 538. John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 444; Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 12-13.

another's place, and not especially resourceful. Indeed, he was charged even with being priggish, unsocial, aristocratic, of monarchial tendencies, and inclined to favor" the rich, the well-born, and the capable."* Nevertheless, his integrity and honesty of purpose were never ques

tioned.

As already stated, the first Wednesday in January, 1789, had been fixed as the day on which the election of members of the first Federal Congress was to be held. That important day passed quietly, and before night electors had been chosen by all the ratifying States save New York, which, owing to a quarrel between the Senate and Assembly, made choice.† She, therefore, cast no vote for the first President, nor was she represented in the upper house of Congress during the first session of that body. Among the members of Congress then chosen were some of the ablest and best men of the country, among them Fisher Ames, James Madison,|| Jonathan Trumbull, Roger

no

78

ber 13, 1788, Congress passed a resolution that on the first Wednesday in January, 1789, Presidential electors be chosen in the various States, that on the first Wednesday in February these electors should vote for President and Vice-President, and that on the first Wednesday in March the new Congress should assemble at New York.*

While there had been some doubt as to the successful operation of the new government, none existed as to the man who should be placed at its head and under whom the great experiment should be tested.† That man was George Washington. He had often

expressed his pleasure at being able to rest from his arduous labors during the war, and thought that some one else should be called upon to shoulder the burdens of the Presidency; but in this present crisis it was thought that his services were imperatively necessary to insure the success of the new Constitution. In many ways Washington had been informed of this public sentiment, having received numerous letters from friends, correspondents, and public men all over the country, all urgently entreating him to accept the position, should the electors choose him to fill

* Edward Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, p. 8; McMaster, With the Fathers, pp.

150-152.

Curtis, Constitutional History, vol. ii., p. 95. Curtis reviews the necessity of organic laws to supply the machinery of the new government, the mode of choosing the President, his functions, and the effect of the nominating convention on the electoral system (chap. iii.).

*

it. But he was reluctant to enter again upon public life. In a letter to Hamilton, he says:

"If I am not grossly deceived in myself, I should unfeignedly rejoice, in case the electors, by giving their votes to some other person, would save me from the dreadful dilemma of being forced to accept or refuse. If that may not be, I am in the next place, earnestly desirous of searching out the truth, and of knowing whether there does not exist a probability that the government would just as happily and effectually be carried into execution, without my aid, as with it. I am truly solicitous to obtain all the previous information which the circumstances will afford, and to determine, (when the determination can no longer be postponed,) according to the principles of right reason, and the dictates of a clear conscience, without too great a reference to the unforeseen consequences which may affect my person or reputation. Until that period, I may fairly hold myself open to conviction, though I allow your sentiments to have weight in them; and I shall not pass by your arguments, without giving them as dispassionate a consideration as I can possibly bestow upon them.

"In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of light I have been able to place it, I will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear sir, that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, as often as I have been taught to expect I might, and, perhaps, must be called upon ere long to make the decision. You will, I am well assured, believe the assertion, though I have little expectation it would gain credit from those who are less acquainted with me, that if I should receive the appointment, and should be prevailed upon to accept, the acceptance would be attended with more difficulty and reluctance,

than I ever experienced before. It would be, how

ever, with a fixed and sole determination of lending whatever assistance might be in my power to promote the public weal, in hopes that at a convenient and early period, my services might be dispensed with; and that I might be permitted once more to retire, to pass an unclouded evening, after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of domestic tranquillity."

In a letter to Lafayette, he says:

"Your sentiments, indeed, coincide much more nearly with those of my other friends, than with my own feelings. In truth, my difficulties in

79

nected for many years with the diplomatic service in Europe. Yet, he was somewhat out of sympathy with American democracy; was rather

when, according to the common belief, it will be necessary for me to give a definitive answer in one way or other. Should circumstances render it in a manner inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative, be assured, my dear sir, I shall assume the task with the most unfeigned reluctance, and with a real diffidence, for which I shall prob

ably receive no credit from the world. If I know my own heart, nothing short of a conviction of duty, will induce me again to take an active part in public affairs. And in that case, if I can form a plan for my own conduct, my endeavors shall be unremittingly exerted, (even at the hazard of former fame or present popularity,) to extricate my country from the embarrassments in which it is entangled through want of credit, and to establish a general system of policy, which, if pursued, will ensure permanent felicity to the commonwealth. I think I see a path as clear and as direct as a ray of light, which leads to the attainment of that object. Nothing but harmony, honesty, industry, and frugality, are necessary to make us a great and a happy people. Happily the present posture of affairs, and the prevailing disposition of my countrymen, promise

another's place, and not especially resourceful. Indeed, he was charged even with being priggish, unsocial, aristocratic, of monarchial tendencies, and inclined to favor" the rich, the well-born, and the capable. Nevertheless, his integrity and honesty of purpose were never questioned.

As already stated, the first Wednesday in January, 1789, had been fixed as the day on which the election of members of the first Federal Congress was to be held. That important day passed quietly, and before night electors had been chosen by all the ratifying States save New York,

To avoid sectional jealousy, it was felt that a New England man should be chosen Vice-President. It was deemed unwise to put into high office those who had opposed the union, and this eliminated the noted Federalists, Hancock and Samuel Adams. Hence the choice fell upon John Adams. A sincere patriot and a strong Federalist, he had such an extensive training in world politics as would perfectly fit him for high office, having been con

*Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iv., p. 538. John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 444; Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 12–13.

Senate and Assembly, made no choice.† She, therefore, cast no vote for the first President, nor was she represented in the upper house of Congress during the first session of that body. Among the members of Congress then chosen were some of the ablest and best men of the country, among them Fisher Ames, James Madison,|| Jonathan Trumbull, Roger

Adams, Works, vol. iv., p. 290. See also Morse, John Adams, p. 241 et seq., and for counter opinion, pp. 251-252.

Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections,

p. 11.

McMaster, United States, vol. i., pp. 525–526. For the manner in which Patrick Henry, as Governor of Virginia, prevented the election of