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The envoys sent a long letter in reply. In regard to the charge that the pro-British sympathies of two of the envoys rendered them unfit for a mission to France, they said:

"The opinions and relations of the undersigned are purely American, unmixed with any particle of foreign tint. If they possess a quality on which they pride themselves, it is an attachment to the happiness and welfare of their country; if they could at will select the means of manifesting that attachment, it would be by effecting a sincere and real accommodation between France and the United States on principles promoting the interests of both, and consistent with the independence of the latter.

*

All

who love liberty must admit that it does not exist in a nation which cannot exercise the right of maintaining neutrality. If opinions and relations' such as these are incompatible with 'dispositions sincerly conciliatory,' then indeed has the Federal Government chosen unfit instruments for the expression of its pacific disposition."

Regarding Talleyrand's proposal to treat with Gerry, they said:

"The result of a deliberation on this point is that no one of the undersigned is authorized to take upon himself a negotiation, evidently entrusted by the tenor of their powers and instruc tions to the whole; nor are there any two of them who can propose to withdraw themselves from the task committed to them by their government while there remains a possibility of performing it." t

* American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. ii., pp. 188-191.

Ibid, pp. 191–199.

Talleyrand ignored this letter, and, still believing he could make use of Gerry, wrote him a note on April 3 inviting him to remain. He said:

"I suppose, sir, that Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall have thought it useful and proper, in consequence of the intimations given in the end of my note of the 28th Ventose last, and the obstacle which their known opinions have interposed to the desired reconciliation, to quit the territory of the Republic. On this supposition, I have the honor to point out to you the 5th or 7th of this decade to resume our reciprocal communications."*

Gerry meekly consented to remain, but Marshall immediately started home, where he arrived in June and was received with unfeigned joy. Pinckney was detained at Paris by the illness of his daughter.†

Gerry now undertook to carry on the negotiotions with Talleyrand single-handed, and for some time foolishly tried to cope with the wily Frenchman. On May 12 he received a dispatch from the United States to the effect that, if the mission of the envoys had failed, they were to return; but Gerry, vainly thinking himself a match for the French diplomat, continued to swallow his insults for three months longer. As Gibbs says:‡

"He was engaged in a controversy with Talleyrand, in which every manner of insult was heaped by that functionary upon himself and his country, in which his credulity was ridiculed, his understanding derided, and even his veracity impugned; a controversy in which his only object

* Ibid, vol. ii., p. 200.

Bassett, Federalist System, p. 233.

‡ Administrations of Washington and Adams, vol. ii., p. 149. See, however, Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 532.

seemed to be, to obtain the last word, or to get the better of his adversary in florid professions of the amicable disposition of their respective governments."

Talleyrand even dropped a hint that a minister would be sent to the United States, and this, of course, persuaded Gerry that the matter would be amicably settled, until, one morning, the X. Y. Z. dispatches were published in a London newspaper and a demand was made that he pronounce them false and give the names represented by those letters. Instead of stating that these dispatches were absolutely true and refusing to give the names, or else returning home at once,

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Meanwhile Congress was supposed to have met at Philadelphia on the second Monday in November, 1797, but, owing to the epidemic of yellow fever in that city, the Senators and Representatives refused to enter it and Congress did not assemble until the 22d. On the 23d President Adams made his opening speech.* Foreign affairs, particularly relations with France, occupied a large share of the President's attention. As yet, he was able only to announce the arrival of the special mission in France, but he spoke of the "increasing depredations" upon American commerce, the

31, 1798, gave an evasive explanation, and on June 4 meanly disclosed the names. Talleyrand well knew who they were and had sanctioned their actions. Yet he now indignantly disavowed any responsibility for their acts, saying that Marshall and Pinckney had been duped and bestowing

ciated, saying:

ness.

"The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to their existence, at least to their comfort, their growth, prosperity, and happiThe genius, character, and habits of the people are highly commercial. Their cities have been formed and exist upon commerce. Our agriculture, fisheries, arts, and manufactures are connected with and depend upon it. In short, commerce has made this country what it is, and it cannot be destroyed or neglected without in

ments which everyone knew to mean

66

Adams, Pickering threatens to expose Gerry's "duplicity and treachery." "You will start," he says, "at the two last words. I verily believe

monies of General Pinckney and General Marshall (whose veracity will not be questioned) will support the imputation. I verily believe, Sir, that his conduct would warrant his impeachment; and if he should not be impeached, not his innocence, but political expediency alone, may prevent it."- John Adams, Works, vol. viii., p. 616. Austin, Life of Gerry, chaps. v.-viii., says all that can be said in his defence.

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numbers are directly and solely supported by navigation. The faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights of commercial and seafaring no less than of the other citizens. Under this view of our affairs, I should hold myself guilty of a neglect of duty if I forebore to recommend that we should make every exertion to protect our commerce and to place our country in a suitable posture of defence as the only sure means of preserving both."

He mentioned also the progress of the Spanish negotiations, the proceed ings of the commissioners under the British treaty, the steps made requisite by "the numerous captures of American vessels by the cruisers of the French republic," and recommended that the consular act be amended and that the support of the government be provided for. By this time the Federalists had become particularly strong in the Senate and the Republicans in the House, as is evident from the respective answers of the two Houses to the President's speech. Measures for defence and money bills were contemplated, but nothing could be done before definite news came from France. December passed without such tidings, then January came and went, and when February gradually grew to a close without word from the envoys, men began to breathe more easily, for it was thought that "this is one of the cases where no news is good news," and where "silence is admitted to augur peace." †

*

Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp.

254-258.

Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. ii., pp. 204, 213.

Not until the beginning of March, 1798, while the question of arming merchant vessels for their own defence was under discussion in Congress, were any dispatches received from the envoys in France. On March 19 the President communicated by message the information just received. He said that the failure of the mission could not be attributed "to any want of moderation on the part of this Government, or to any indisposition to forego secondary interests for the preservation of peace." He said:

stances

*

"I can discern nothing which could have insured or contributed to success that has been omitted on my part," and "under these circumI exhort you to adopt such measures as the ample resources of the country afford for the protection of our seafaring and commercial citizens, for the defence of any exposed portion of our territory, for replenishing our arsenals, establishing foundries and military manufact [ories], and to provide such efficient revenue as will be necessary to defray extraordinary expenses and supply the deficiencies which may be occasioned by depredations on our commerce."

* Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 264-265; MacDonald, Select Documents, pp. 136137. See also John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 518, vol. ix., p. 156; Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, 2d session, vol. i., pp. 523, 1200-1202, vol. ii., p. 1271; Benton, Abridgment of Debates, vol. ii., p. 217.

Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. vii.,

Reso

strained when it was pointed out that this would endanger the lives of the envoys still in France.* Adams thought we should force France to make the declaration of war, in the meantime preparing for hostilities; and in this view he was upheld by Hamilton. The first expressions of public opinion, however, were adverse to the views of the President. lutions deprecating the measures of defence advocated by Adams were introduced in the Pennsylvania Legislature, but were defeated by a small majority. On the other hand, the Legislatures of the New England States warmly approved the President's policy, and the General Court of Massachusetts went still further when it proposed, with the sanction of the other five States, to amend the Constitution by disqualifying natives of foreign countries from ever holding office in the United States. Regarding the action of the New England States and their favorable attitude toward the administration and the conduct of foreign relations, Jefferson said: "They are so priestridden that nothing is to be expected

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from them but the most bigoted passive obedience.'*

Congress immediately set to work enacting legislation in accordance with the recommendations of the President. In the House a bill was passed appropriating money to equip the three frigates which had been authorized at the previous session. On March 27 three resolutions were introduced by Sprigg, of Maryland, which showed the policy of the opposition. The first declared that it was inexpedient for the United States to engage in war with France, the second stated that the arming of merchant vessels ought to be restricted, and the third asserted that adequate provision should be made for the protection of our seacoast ports and for the internal defence of the country. Thus the Republicans opposed offensive war while supporting measures providing for defensive war. The first of these resolutions proved as embarrassing as it was designed to be. On the Federalist side, Harper endeavored to make the resolution appear insignificant, † but Baldwin replied that, the Presi dent having declared war inevitable, Congress, the war-making body, if it differed with him, should declare to the contrary.‡ On April 2, in the

* Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. vii., p. 213.

Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, 2d session, vol. ii., p. 1319; Benton, Abridgment of Debates, vol. ii., p. 225.

For the debate, see Annals, pp. 1322-1371; Benton, pp. 225-242.

360

course of the debate upon these resolutions, a motion was passed requesting that the President transmit to Congress the dispatches which had been received from the envoys. The propriety of submitting this correspondence had already been considered by the Cabinet members. Pickering desired to make an abstract of the French grievances, and, to make the disclosures more impressive, to have the President deliver the speech from the Speaker's chair. From the fact that Pickering called the French government "devils out of pandemonium,' one may well believe that his abstract would have been a spicy document.

Wolcott favored disclosing the original documents, deeming the situation such as to render necessary that the country have full and absolutely authentic information. Hamilton, too, considered such course eminently proper, and Adams

throughout the country for the consideration of the whole people.*

The effect of these dispatches upon Congress and the country ought to have convinced the Hamiltonian Federalists that American society displayed not the least indication of disintegration. At the beginning of the session the Republicans had a large majority in the House, but at this time they were but an impotent minority. Some changed sides, while others went home "to consult their constituents." On April 26, 1798, Jefferson wrote to Madison that "Giles, Clopton, Cabell and Nicholas have gone and Clay goes to-morrow.

Parker has completely gone over to the war party. In this state of things they [the Federalists] will carry what they please."† Intense feeling was country. aroused throughout the

Thousands who hated the Federalists, despised John Adams, and detested Great Britain, now heartily supported the government in resenting the insults heaped upon the country's envoys. The theatre was crowded with

* Annals, pp. 1377-1380.

Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. vii.,

p. 245.

*

Jefferson says: "The arguments to which his [Talleyrand's] agent resorted to induce compliance with this demand, were very unworthy of a great nation and calculated to excite disgust and indignation in Americans generally, and alienation in the republicans generally, whom they so far mistake, as to presume an attachment to France and a hatred to the Federal party, and not love of their country, to be their first pas sion." Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. vii., p. 235. Madison says: "The conduct of Talleyrand is so extraordinary as to be scarcely creditable. I do not allude to its depravity, which.