ears? Surely all thefe, and many other difficulties that might occur, would require more deliberation, than cari be bestowed upon them at the prefent crifis.

Neither can it be diffembled, that the preferit ftate of the country is very unfavourable to fuch an attempt. The minds of men are now as much divided about political fubjects, as they have long been about matters of religion. Some are for a reform, and others against it." Some will have it now, and others at a more conveni ent time. Some will have royalty abolished, and all ti tles of honour; and fome will be fatisfied with a more equal reprefentation in the Houfe of Commons. Some will have annual Parliaments, and fome with them only triennial. Some cry out of one thing, and some of another every one complains moft loudly of what bears hardest upon himff. And perhaps our reformers themfelves would not eafily agree among themselves, as to what degree of reformation should be adopted..

But what, above all other things, renders this attempt unfeafonable at this time, is, that they who are most clamorous for a reform, only wish for it as a step towards the total overthrow of our conftitution, and the reducing to practice the whole fyftem diffeminated by Thomas Paine and his followers. Charity obliges us to think, that there are many who are prevailed with, in the fimplicity of their hearts, to join the cry for reform, who would abhor the thoughts of destroying the conflitution. But is there any doubt that the leaders of our new affociations, adopted Paine's principles with out referve, and avowed themselves advocates for a total revolution, till they found government in earnest to punish the feditious? And if they durft, would they not be as loud ftill for a revolution, as they now are for a reform? They hope, that if a reform to their mind could

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could be obtained, a few more men might be got into Parliament, of their own kidney; and then they would find it easier to execute the rest of. their plan. We have a few atheists, murderers, and pick-pockets; a few discontented, ambitious, and turbulent men in Britain, as well as in other nations. These men fee: what fuccefs their brethren elsewhere have had, in worming themfelves into power, in overturning all go vernment and all religion, in deftroying liberty, property, and perfonal fecurity, and in bringing to the guillotine all who were objects of their emulation or refentment. Their ambition is hereby fet on fire. They long to taste the fweets of arbitrary power: and they do not yet despair of turning this land of liberty into another scene of confufion, blood, and horror, forthat purpose. While fuch hopes are entertained, is this a time to talk of reform ?

7. If this reform were both neceffary and feafonable, the methods taken to obtain it are far from being warrantable. They are pregnant with mifchief. To form focieties or affociations, in different parts of the united kingdom, under whatever designation,-to choose deputies in these societies,of these deputies, together with others from a neighbouring kingdom, to erect a convention, and in that convention to difcufs the bufinefs of the nation at large, and concert measures, in avowed oppofition to the constituted authorities;—what is all this, but to fet up a government within a government? Do not these men ufurp the authority of parlia ment; and practically declare, that if parliament will not come into their measures, they mean to carry them by force; yea, to execute, as well as to enact by their own authority, if they can but make their party ftrong enough? If fuch proceedings are not punishable by

law,

law, it must only be, because nothing of the kind hav ing ever been attempted in former times, there has never been occafion to make any law againft them. The permiffion of fuch enormities is the ftrongest evidence, that, inftead of a tyrannical government, we live under the mildeft on earth *,

For the meeting of the French convention there was fome reafon; because the second national affembly had fo much wisdom left as to diffolve themselves, and defert the helm which they could no longer guide: and they left no conftituted authority in France. But to fet up the image of the French convention among us, while the known and established authorities remain, is the moft flagrant attempt that ever was made, to fubvert all order, and introduce confufion and every evil work.

The British people have an unquestioned right to petition the king or either houfe of parliament. Their petitions, however unreasonable, if but conceived in decent terms, will be received: and if they are reafonable, I hope they will be granted. But furely the legifJature must have a right to determine whether petitions fhall be granted or not: other wife why petition them? It is among the other excellencies of our conftitution, that it has the principles of reform within itself. If des fects fhould be found in it, or fhould creep into it, through the lapfe of time, as nothing human is either perfect or permanent,-it belongs to the legislature to reform these defects: they have power to do it; and I hope they will do it, if dutifully applied to. But to attempt

* Since writing the above, I am happy to hear that the Magistrates of the city and county of Edinburgh, have prohibited the meeting of the pretended convention in their bounds: for which they deservedly have the thanks of the friends of tranquillity and order; both there and im ⚫ther places,

attempt to over-awe the legislature, and influence by clamour, or by the appearance of numbers, their decifions,-what is it, but an attempt, an impotent attempt I hope it will prove, to deftroy their authority, and put the actual exercife of fovereignty in the hands of the populace?

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From the time that the Jacobine Club at Paris, in concert with other affociations of the fame fort in other parts of the kingdom, and in conjunction with the mob of Paris, took upon them to decide upon the general business of the nation, and to prescribe measures to what was called the legiflative affembly,-every thing has rushed into confufion in France. The prefent convention, ever fince it met, has been no more than a tool in the hands of the Jacobin Club and the Paris rabble and the world has been witnefs to the dreadful confequences. Similar caufes will always produce fimilar effects. If ever our clubs and conventions fhall become fo powerful as to be able to dictate to parliament, or if parliament fhall become fo weak, in point of intellects, as to fuffer them to attempt it with impunity, that day will put an end to all regular government and fubordination among us. Our happy constitution, the work of ages, and the admiration of mankind, will go to wreck in one hour: and the fame fcene will be acted here, that has been in rehearsal, for eighteen months paft, on the other fide of the channel.

" WHAT!" fay our modern innovators," shall we "be precluded from feeking the redress of "our grievances, in what way, or by what means

we please? Are not liberty and equality the natural "rights of men? And who fhall deprive us of the one, or of the other?" Liberty is, doubtless, one of the most valuable earthly bleffings; but, like all others, it is liable to be abused. Often has it been employed as a cloke of licentiousness: but it is only of late, that it has been coupled with equality. Let us examine, with candour, this new affociation.

Liberty is one of those things of which every man has fome kind of conception, but which no man finds it easy to define. Paffing over the various descriptions that have been given of it, it is manifeft that perfect liberty must consist in an unlimited power of doing what one pleafes or of following the dictates of one's own will, without any restraint from without himfelf. But it is equally manifeft, that this fort of liberty is competent to God only because none but he has a right to make his own fovereign will the fole rule of his actions.

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