proceeds, together with the proceeds of the crops till that time, (12,000 or 15,000 dollars excepted,) are to be expended in their transportation and comfortable settlement in the colony of Liberia, and the establishment of an institution of learning in some part of the colony. If they determine not to go, they and all the estate is to be sold, and the proceeds applied to the endowment of the aforesaid institution of learning. A gentleman of Louisiana, not long since, left thirty to go to Liberia, and directed his executors to pay their passage-an outfit of tools, implements of husbandry, provisions and clothes for one year, and to two of them he gave $500 each. Another, from the same State, left thirty, making similar provisions for their removal to Africa, and for their comfort after their arrival. In Virginia, recently, one has manumitted twenty-three, another fifty, another sixteen, and a fourth twenty-five; and many others with similar and smaller numbers. But all were manumitted on condition of their going to Africa. In Tennessee, many examples similar to the above have been given during the past year. One man liberated twenty-three, and another twentyone, supplying them with ample funds, and also providing clothing for them, and furnishing them with suitable tools, and for paying the expense of their removal to Africa. Her legislature has promised to give $10 toward defraying the expenses of each one who shall go to Liberia. The excellent example of Mr. Turpin, who some time since emancipated all his slaves in South Carolina, and gave them his estate valued at $329,000, is worthy of constant remembrance and imitation. Eighteen were liberated by Mrs. Greenfield, near Natchez, on the condition that they should go to Africa; and on the same condition E. B. Randolph, of Columbus, liberated twenty; Wm. Foster, Esq. twenty-one; another twenty-eight; a gentleman in Kentucky, sixty; a lady in the same State, forty; all for the most part young, and all, with very few exceptions, under forty years of age. The

Society of Friends in North Carolina had liberated, in 1835, no less than 652.

Numerous applications are constantly before the Society, or its auxiliaries, for assistance in emigrating to Africa. A large number of slaves are, by the decision of their masters, free in prospect, and in a course of preparation for liberty; whilst others will be free the moment they can find a passage to Liberia.

It is an unquestionable fact, well worthy of consideration, that the fewer slaves there are in any section of country, the more easy is it to emancipate; and the stronger becomes the tendency to emancipation. The same remark may apply to the absence of a free colored population in slave-holding districts. It is not easy to emancipate the slave whilst, by so doing, you will in all probability increase the dangers that threaten society, and swell the number of those whose freedom seems to be a curse. Besides, as instances are multiplied, those who emancipate their slaves, become a standing monument, in the midst of a slave-holding community" of the triumph of Christian principle over selfish interest-a constant, living reproof to all who still retain their fellow-men in bondage."

If colonization were abandoned, many Christian slaveholders, who desire to emancipate their slaves, would be deprived of the power of doing so, the laws of the slave-holding States generally prohibiting emancipation unless the slaves are removed from the State. True, it may be said,

* Much has been said in reference to emancipation, of a mental renunciation of the right of property in slaves; "a renunciation which the law would treat as a nullity, and which might be mentally retracted, at any moment, without the knowledge of the community." One instance, in the midst of the slave-holding States, of bona fide emancipation, evidenced by self-denying exertions to locate the emancipated in a land where they may be truly free and blessed, will, it is conscientiously believed, have more force in freeing others, than a hundred auxiliaries at the North, or tens of thousands of speeches and resolves which never reach the eye or ear of a single slave-holder, or if they do, serve only to irritate the slave-holder, and shut up every avenue to conviction.

"these are wicked laws;" and the sincerity of such slaveholders may be treated with discredit, and affected contempt and ridicule may assail them in the place of kind remonstrance and argument-as in the following instance, taken from an "immediate abolition" periodical :—

66

But are you not aware, Sir, that in many States there are laws against emancipation ?" This was uttered with a most imposing air by a man who was defending slavery under the present circumstances. "Indeed," replied his opponent, "but who make the laws?" "The slave-holders, to be sure." "So I thought; and the unfortunate condition of the poor slave-holders, who have tied their own hands by such laws, reminds me of an anecdote. A lady somewhere in Virginia, on going out for a few hours, left some trifling matters to be attended to in her absence, by her little daughter. On her return, she found that all the things which were to be done, had been neglected.—' How is this, my dear,' said she, why have you not done this, and why not that?" 'Because I could'nt mamma.' • But why could'nt ?

you

Why, don't you see, mamma, I am tied to the leg of the table?' Indeed, so you are, but who tied you to the leg of the table, my dear?' Oh, I tied myself, mamma!!' "'

This anecdote, quite amusing in itself, whether founded in fact or supposed, is in its application, to say the least, unfair and sophistical. It supposes that those slave-holders who find the laws an impediment in the way of emancipation, are the identical majority of the several States, which majority has enacted those laws; this, it is well known, is not the fact and unless it be so, how is the comparison just or otherwise than unkind and insulting to the benevolent and Christian feelings of those who, seeking the best interests of the colored race, are desirous of giving freedom to their slaves?* Besides, it is possible, not only for individu

*"In the year 1770, the Friends in the United States declared slavery to be inconsistent with the principles of Christianity, and prohibited it among

als who can have but little influence in legislation, but even for the majority, even for a whole people, without an individual exception, to propose, and enact, and continue, and support such laws, without being liable to the inconsistency, and reproach which is intended in the above comparison. Laws are designed for the general good; and if it be not safe for the community at large; and not generous and truly kind, but greatly injurious to the slaves at large, to emancipate them universally and immediately-laws for the preservation of the slave, and the protection of the commonwealth, are necessary and unavoidable; and by those laws all good citizens must be governed, without exception.Every good citizen in that case is "tied," not by himself, but by invincible necessity-the peculiar circumstances of

the members of their body. The Friends of the Yearly Meeting of North Carolina, including a part of Tennessee and Virginia, amounting to many thousands, petitioned the Legislature of North Carolina, for permission to emancipate their slaves. It was refused. They continued to press the subject with petition after petition for forty years, and with no better success. They at length, without law, emancipated their slaves upon the soil; and what was the consequence? More than one hundred of those emancipated slaves were taken up, and sold into perpetual and hopeless bondage, under the laws of the State. Emancipation on the soil was plainly impossible in the existing state of public feeling. After various expedients, and having expended in ten years more than $20,000 in procuring asylums for their slaves in the free States, the free States made enactments preventing this intrusion of free blacks upon them. Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, and New-York were applied to in vain, the door was shut. Some years since, they embarked one hundred of their liberated slaves for Pennsylvania. They were refused a landing in the State. They went over to New Jersey. The same refusal met them there. They were then left to float up and down the Delaware river without a spot of dry land to set their feet upon, till the Colonization Society took them up and gave them a resting place in Liberia.

"They have now five hundred slaves left, whom they are anxious to liberate; and what shall they do; Get the laws of the State altered? They labored after that for forty years, and more than one whole generation of black men died in bondage while their masters were striving to effectuate immediate emancipation. IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION they found to be so slow a process that they were obliged to resort to COLONIZATION, in order that something might be done immediately. And in such instances, what possible mode of immediate relief is there except colonization? Shall they resist the laws of the State? This would be contrary to the principles of Quakerism; and on this point at least, the unlawfulness of aggressive resistance even to legalized oppression, the wrongfulness of destroying human life for the attainment of any political purpose-on this point I must conceive that Quakerism is Christianity."-Prof. Stowe.

the case which render such laws necessary both as an act of humanity toward the slave, and of sacred regard to the common weal.*

MISSION INTO THE INTERIOR.

From the twentieth annual report of the American Colonization Society, we learn that "Commissioners were some time since appointed by the colonial government to proceed into the interior as far as Bo Poro, the residence of King Boatswain, for the purpose of negotiating a peace between certain hostile tribes, and opening a friendly and mutually advantageous intercourse with the people of that region. D. W. Whitehurst, one of these commissioners, has recently visited the United States, and made report to the managers of his observations during his absence of four months from the colony. The commissioners resided at Bo Poro, (from 80 to 100 miles from Monrovia) several weeks, and though they failed, owing to the very disturbed state of the country, to effect the main object, they acquired information of great value. They passed through a fertile and beautiful country, upon which were scattered numerous fortified native towns, inhabited by a savage but active and industrious people, and abounding in the productions of tropical agriculture. Of a town within eight miles of Bo Poro, Mr. Whitehurst writes, 'Every thing conspires to render this spot desirable for human happiness, if the propensity for war which the people have could be gotten over; but as it is, every thing is secondary to the grand object of conquest or capture. Groups of cheerful beings were passed

*Though every virtuous man will aim to promote that state of society which secures freedom and equal rights to every member of the community, and though of the possibility of such a state under the influences of civilization and Christianity, we ought not to despair, yet it is unquestionable that individual freedom and individual happiness should ever be considered subordinate to the public good. It is not right that men should be free when their freedom will prove injurious to themselves and others. Hence, in all enlightened communities, the restraints upon minors, and upon all who are found incapable of judging and acting for themselves."-Repository.