All are interested, and prudent measures must be pursued.

entire body; but by a general return of health, and a genial circulation to the whole."

'Another reason why I consider the evil as ours, is that the guilt of slavery is ours. We are too ready to appropriate it all to our southern brethren: but we have no power or right thus to wash our hands. From the North have gone ships and seamen and traders in human flesh, that have been polluted by the inhuman traffic, and the "pieces of silver" gained by them have been apportioned at the North. In the North were the forges which framed fetters and manacles for the limbs of oppressed and unoffending Africans. It was the iron of the North that pierced their anguished souls : and overgrown fortunes and proud palaces at the North still stand, reared from the blood and sufferings of unhappy slaves, which tell that the North have shared largely in the accursed spoils.

Besides, there is little room for boasting on our part, when it is considered that the different physical features and agricultural productions of the South and North have, as we have every reason to believe, more than the force or absence of proper moral feeling, banished slavery from the one, and perpetuated it in the other. Had New-York, NewJersey, Pennsylvania, or even New-England produced cotton, rice, indigo, and sugar, it is not improbable that slavery would have continued in these States and increased its numbers here to this very hour. The same may be supposed, without uncharitableness, of the new States north of the Ohio, and east of the Mississippi.

'There can be no good reason, I conceive, why, by fair argument, by our best influence, and by our pecuniary resources, we should not aim to promote the cause of patriotism and humanity, in civilizing and converting Africa, and in rendering mutual benefits to the oppressed among us, and to our beloved country. Nor should this be regarded by the

Appeal to New-England.

South as unrighteous interference, or unkindness. Great wisdom, however, is to be used in this matter.

'It was you, Henry, if I recollect, who were repeating, a few days since, some lines as an appeal to the North. Will you repeat them now, as they are not an unappropriate conclusion of this part of our discussion?'

"They were written by Mrs. Sigourney, and are entitled "an appeal to New-England."

"When injur'd Afric's captive claim,

Loads the sad gale with startling moan,
The frown of deep, indignant blame,
Bends not on southern climes alone.

Her toil, and chain, and scalding tear,
Our daily board with luxuries deck,
And to dark slavery's yoke severe

Our fathers help'd to bow her neck.

If slumbering in the thoughtful breast,
Or justice, or compassion dwell;
Call from their couch the hallowed guest,
The deed to prompt, the prayer to swell:

Oh, lift the hand, and Peace shall bear
Her olive where the palm-tree grows,

And torrid Afric's deserts share

The fragrance of Salvation's rose.

But if, with Pilate's stoic eye,

We calmly wash when blood is spilt,
Or deem a cold, unpitying sigh
Absolves us from the stain of guilt;

Or if, like Jacob's recreant train,
Who traffic'd in a brother's wo,
We hear the suppliant plead in vain,
Or mock his tears that wildly flow;

Will not the judgments of the skies,
Which threw a shield round Joseph sold,

Be roused by fetter'd Afric's cries,

And change to dross the oppressor's gold ?" '

A national debt.

CONVERSATION XV.

"If the measure is, as we believe it to be, essentially national; then we are all interested, and should be deeply concerned for its success."-Gov. Trimble.

'I Do not see, Pa, why it should be a question to whom the duty belongs of helping forward this good cause; nor why every citizen may not esteem it a privilege and an honor to do justice to injured Africa; especially when, in performing this duty we act a filial part towards our own country.'

'The debt which we owe to Africa, is, indeed, a national debt; and we are all interested in its liquidation. If, instead of mutual recrimination, South and North, East and West, could combine their wisdom and benevolence to devise ways and means for the ultimate and speedy removal of the evil, and if there could be mutual confidence between the different sections of our country in respect to this matter, I see not why the legislatures of the several States then taking the lead, our National Congress might not come up to the work and offer that national atonement which every consideration of justice and humanity would commend, and which would reflect bright honor on the generation that should do the deed. For this, if the South prepare the way, by her own action and example, I am sure the other States will not be backward in their duty; and the debt which as a nation we owe to Africa, may be speedily cancelled by us as a nation.'

6

Why, Sir, is it necessary that the South should move first in this matter?"

I know not that there is any other necessity in the case

The debt may be cancelled.

than that of expediency and 'propriety. It appears to be a point universally conceded by statesman, that the continuance, or removal of slavery, is solely within the power of the domestic legislation of the State in which it exists. It is very evident, therefore, that we can accomplish nothing by any measures on our part, except as the South approves ; whilst it is equally evident that any measures on our part of a coercive nature, or calculated to disturb the domestic arrangements of the South, would be a violation of our political contract and of good faith.'

But, Pa, you do not think that the subject of slavery ought not to be discussed even publicly if we please; and that no arguments should be used by us with our southern brethren to encourage and persuade them to correct views and early action in respect to a final and general emancipation ?'

'Certainly I do not. Dr. Channing, whatever discrepancies are found in his recent work, has clearly expressed my views on this subject: "Slavery ought to be discussed. We ought to think, feel, speak, and write about it. But whatever we do in regard to it, should be done with a deep feeling of responsibility, and so done as not to put in jeopardy the peace of the slave-holding States. On this point public opinion has not been, and cannot be too strongly pronounced. * To instigate the slave to insurrection is a crime for which no rebuke and no punishment can be too severe. * It is not enough to say, that the constitution is violated by any action endangering the slave-holding portion of our country. A higher law than the constitution forbids this unholy interference. Were our National Union dissolved, we ought to reprobate, as sternly as we now do, the slightest manifestation of a disposition to stir up a servile war. Still more, were the free and the slave-holding States

The right of discussion.

not only separated, but engaged in the fiercest hostilities, the former would deserve the abhorrence of the world, and the indignation of heaven, were they to resort to insurrection and massacre as means of victory."

The right of discussion is sometimes claimed in a sense which is far from reasonable; and there is often in connexion with this claim a disposition to go beyond the law for a rule of action, and to justify that which the law and public opinion condemns. There is indeed an alarming propensity among men at the present day, to set all rightful authority at defiance, under the dangerous pretence that the end justifies the means. Even that liberty of speech which is justified by law, it is not always expedient to exercise; and that which is clearly inexpedient, although not condemned in civil law, is morally wrong.'

'But, suppose,' said Henry, that I find slavery forbidden in holy Scripture, and am impressed with the belief that, regardless of consequences, I ought to assist and favor the slave, and on all occasions, to resist and lift up my voice against the institution?'

'If we suppose this, we suppose one thing which it may be very difficult to prove; and another which, if reality, might be altogether insufficient to convince the world that our impressions have any claim to an inspiration from above, or that they clothe us with any authority to trample under foot the rules of propriety and morality, and the laws of the land. It will never do for us to be guided by the vagaries of the human intellect. One person thinks that there should be a community of property; another that the law of marriage is a monopoly, and that all contracts under that law should cease at the will of the parties; another believes the law which punishes the felon with death, involves the whole State in guilt, and that capital punishments should be resist