venience, that I know not what to do, or how to do. The ladies from Georgetown and in the city have many of them visited me. Yesterday I returned fifteen visits, but such a place as Georgetown appears,

why, our Milton is beautiful. But no comparisons ; if they will put me up some bells, and let me have wood enough to keep fires, I design to be pleased. I could content myself almost anywhere three months; but, surrounded with forests, can you believe that wood is not to be had, because people cannot be found to cut and cart it! Briesler entered into

a contract with a man to supply him with wood. A small part, a few cords only, has he been able to get. Most of that was expended to dry the walls of the house before we came in, and yesterday the man told him it was impossible for him to procure it to be cut and carted. He has had recourse to coals; but we cannot get grates made and set. We have, indeed, come into a new country.

You must keep all this to yourself, and, when asked how I like it, say that I write you the situation is beautiful, which is true. The house is made habitable, but there is not a single apartment finished, and all withinside, except the plastering, has been done since Briesler came. We have not the least fence, yard, or other convenience, without, and the great unfinished audience-room I make a drying-room of, to hang up the clothes in. The principal stairs are not up, and will not be this winter. Six chambers are made comfortable; two are occupied by the President and Mr. Shaw; two lower rooms, one for a common parlour, and one for a levee-room. Up stairs there is the oval room, which is designed for the drawingroom, and has the crimson furniture in it. It is a very handsome room now; but, when completed, it will be beautiful. If the twelve years, in which this place has been considered as the future seat of government, had been improved, as they would have been if in New England, very many of the present inconveniences would have been removed. It is a beautiful spot, capable of every improvement, and, the more I view it, the more I am delighted with it.

Since I sat down to write, I have been called down to a. servant from Mount Vernon, with a billet from Major Custis, and a haunch of venison, and a kind, congratulatory letter from Mrs. Lewis, upon my arrival in the city, with Mrs. Washington's love, inviting me to Mount Vernon, where, health permitting, I will go, before I leave this place.

The Senate is much behind-hand. No Congress has yet been made. 'Tis said is on his way, but travels with so many delicacies in his rear, that he cannot get on fast, lest some of them should suffer.

Thomas comes in and says a House is made; so to-morrow, though Saturday, the President will meet them. Adieu, my dear. Give my love to your brother, and tell him he is ever present upon my mind. Mrs. [Abigail] Adams, Letters (edited by Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1840), II, 239–242.

103.

How Jefferson was Elected (1800)

BY SENATOR CHARLES PINCKNEY

Pinckney was a delegate to the Federal Convention of 1787, later governor of South Carolina, United States senator, minister to Spain, and member of the national House of Representatives. He was an enthusiastic supporter of Jefferson in 1800, although his cousin, Charles C. Pinckney, was the Federal candidate for vice-president. This extract is from letters written to Jefferson. - For Pinckney, see No. 63 above. — Bibliography: Channing and Hart, Guide, § 166.

I

October 12: 1800

WISH to know how things will go, in Maryland and Pennsylvania and Delaware and Jersey. the influence of the officers of the Government and of the Banks and of the British and Mercantile Interest will be very powerful in Charleston. I think we shall in the City as Usual; loose 23d of the representation, but the City has generally not much influence at Columbia. our Country Republican Interest has always been very strong, and I have no doubt will be so now. I have done every thing to strengthen it and mean to go to Columbia to be at the Election of Electors. the 24 numbers of the Republican which I have written have been sent on to you, and I trust you have received and approved them. they are written in much moderation and have been circulated as much as possible. so has the little Republican Farmer I shewed you in Philadelphia and which has been reprinted in all our Southern States. with these and my Speeches on Juries, Judges, Ross' Bill the Intercourse Bill and the Liberty of the Press, we have Literally sprinkled Georgia and No Carolina from the Mountains to the Ocean. Georgia will be Unanimous, North Carolina 8 or 9, Tennessee Unanimous, and I am hopefull we shall also. . . .

[October 16.] Since the within written we have had the election for Charleston, which by dint of the Bank and federal Interest, is reported by the Managers to be against us 11 to 4— that is the federalists are reported to have 11 out of 15 the number for the City representation.

many of our Members run within 28 and 30 and 40 and we think we get four in I believe 5. to shew you what has been the Contest and the abuse I have been obliged to Bear, I inclose you some of the last days Publications. I suppose this unexpected opposition to my Kinsman who has never been opposed here before as member for the City, will sever and divide me from him and his Brother forever, for the federalists all charge me with being the sole cause of any opposition, in this State, where all our intel[li]gence from the Country convinces me, we shall have a decided majority in our Legislature. . . . I never before this knew the full extent of the federal Interest connected with the British and the aid of the Banks and the federal Treasury, and all their officers. they have endeavored to Shake Republicanism in South Carolina to its foundations, but we have resisted it firmly and I trust successfully. our Country Interest out of the reach of Banks and Custom Houses and federal officers is I think as pure as ever. I rejoice our Legislature meets 130 or 40 Miles from the Sea. As much as I have been accustomed to Politics and to Study mankind this Election in Charleston has opened to me a new view of things. never certainly was such an Election in America. we mean to contest it for 8 or 9 of the 15. it is said several Hundred more Voted than paid taxes. the Lame, Crippled, diseased and blind were either led, lifted or brought in Carriages to the Poll. the sacred right of Ballot was struck at, for at a late hour, when too late to counteract it, in order to know how men, who were supposed to be under the influence of Banks and federal officers and English Merchants, Voted, and that they might be Watched to know whether they Voted as they were directed, the Novel and Unwarrantable measure was used of Voting with tickets printed on Green and blue and red and yellow paper and Men stationed to watch the Votes. The Contest lasted several days and Nights . . .

. . . I congratulate you most sincerely on the Change in Maryland and the probable one in North Carolina and Rhode Island. In this State I have no doubt nor ever had. . . .

[October 26.] . . . I have just got a Letter from MÃ Dawson confirming from the authority of M' Burr the business of Rhode Island.

is it possible? can good come out of Galilee? . . .

[November 22.] I have just received your favour after an interval since its date of nearly one Month. I am to particularly regret Your not recieving my communications as I wanted some facts from you to aid me in the very delicate and arduous struggle I have in this state. find

ing from my intelligence that the Pennsylvania Senate intended to contend for a concurrent vote in the choice of Electors and thus to shield themselves under a pretended affection for the rights of their branch from the popular odium I very early percieved that the choice of a President would in a great measure depend upon this States Vote. I therefore very assiduously have attended to this Object since June and now wait the Issue which is to be decided on on Tuesday next. my anxiety on this subject is very much increased by a Letter I have received from Governour Monroe in answer to one I wrote him on the subject. he seems to think with me that our state must decide it and that Pennsylvania is very uncertain. . . . Urged by those principles it is my duty never to forsake and well convinced that the Election depends on this State I have taken post with some valuable friends at Columbia where our legislature meet and are now in Session and here I mean to remain until the thing is settled. I am told I am to be personally insulted for being here while I ought to be in Washington and that a Motion will be made expressing the opinion of one of the Branches that all their Members ought to be present at the discussion of the French Treaty. But I who know that the Presidents Election is of more consequence than any Treaty and who feel my presence here to be critically important, mean to remain and my friends with You who know the reason will readily excuse my absence. To weaken the federal Party in our Legislature which is stronger than I ever knew it an attempt is made to set aside the Charleston Election and I have suggested a new idea to the Petitioners which is to suspend the sitting members immediately from their seats. . . . Whether they vote or not I think we shall carry the Election and the Moment it is decided I will write You. my situation here is peculiarly delicate and singular. I am the only member of Congress of either side present and the federalists view me with a very jealous Eye. . . .

...

December 2: 1800 The Election is just finished and We Have, Thanks to Heaven's Goodness, carried it. . .

[December 20.] . . . it is with great concern I have just heard that my fears on the Rhode Island head were too well founded. I was always afraid that much good could not come out of either Nazareth or Galilee and I find I was right. New England is New England still and unless an earthquake could remove them and give them about ten degrees of our southern sun in their constitutions they will always remain so. You may as well attempt to separate the Barnacle from the

Oyster, or a body of Caledonians as to divide New England. not so our southern Gentry. View Mary Land and North Carolina and tell me by what Policy can it be, that We have lost so many Votes from states who ought to cling to the southern republican interest as to the rock of their earthly salvation — states too with whom so much pains have been taken to direct them in the right road. . . .

[January 24, 1801.] . . . I write . . . to mention that having seen in the Northern papers an account that a compromise was offered and rejected by the Federalists I do positively deny that any such compromise was offered by the body of the republican interest or ever intended by them. if any thing ever was said on that subject it must have been by some one or two of our friends who might have been very anxious to secure Your Election and would rather compromise than risque it, but if even one did whisper such a thing it was wholly unknown to me, or to the great Body of republican interest, for they were determined from the Jump never to hear of any compromise, and so far from thinking of it they met at the academy hall in CoLumbia the very first Night of the Session and near seventy of them signed a Paper and determined not to compromise but to support the Ticket of the republican interest as it was run and carried. . . .

South Carolina in the Presidential Election of 1800, in American Historical Review (New York, etc., 1899), IV, 113–128 passim.

104. Political Comments (1795-1801)

BY DOCTOR NATHANIEL AMES

Ames was a physician in Dedham, Massachusetts, and an elder brother of Fisher Ames (see No. 97 above). The extracts are introduced to show how political affairs struck a partisan, and also to give an example of the diary as a source of history. — For Ames, see Contemporaries, II, No. 95. — Bibliography: Channing and Hart, Guide, $$ 162, 164-166.

T

O the glorious success of the French

[March] 31 [1795] Republic against the British combin'd

Powers, not the Justice or moderation of England or the Merits of our Envoy are we indebted for our continuance in peace with the insolent English.

[August] 14 The President Washington ratified the Treaty with Britain & Hammond the British minister here immediately sail'd for