CHAPTER XIV - FOREIGN RELATIONS

92. A Confession of England's Error (1789)

ANONYMOUS

The division of opinion in England (see Contemporaries, II, Nos. 142, 215) respecting the wisdom of entering on the Revolutionary War, almost ceased after the independence of the United States had been acknowledged. This squib reflects the wide-spread conviction that the war had been a mistake.

TPON a trestle, pig was laid,

UPON

And a sad squealing sure it made.
Kill-pig stood by with knife and steel:
"Lie quiet, can't you? Why d'ye squeal?
Have I not fed you with my pease,
And now, for trifles such as these,
Will you rebel? - Brimful of victual,
Won't you be kill'd and cur'd a little?"
To whom thus piggy, in reply:
"Think'st thou that I shall quiet lie,
And that for pease my life I'll barter?".

"Then, piggy, you must shew your charter;
Shew you're exempted more than others,

Else go to pot like all your brothers.

Help, neighbours! help? this pig's so strong,
I think I cannot hold him long.

Help neighbours; I can't keep him under !
Where are you all? - See, by your blunder,

Annual Register, 1789 (second edition, London, 1802), second pagination, 160.

93. The French Revolution (1792)

BY GENERAL MARIE PAUL JOSEPH, MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE

Having had his love of liberty nourished in America, Lafayette endeavored to help his countrymen to gain a like happiness; but he was eventually thrown off by the ultra-democratic faction. This letter to Washington was written a few months before Lafayette's proscription and flight, and while he still had faith in the ultimate success of his own ideals. For Lafayette, see Contemporaries, II, No. 172. — Bibliography: Channing and Hart, Guide, §§ 162, 164.

I

MY DEAR GENERAL,

Paris, 15 March, 1792.

HAVE been called from the army to this capital for a conference between the two other generals, the ministers, and myself, and am about returning to my military post. The coalition between the continental powers respecting our affairs is certain, and will not be broken by the Emperor's death. But, although warlike preparations are going on, it is very doubtful whether our neighbours will attempt to stifle so very catching a thing as liberty.

The danger for us lies in our state of anarchy, owing to the ignorance of the people, the number of non-proprietors, the jealousy of every governing measure, all which inconveniences are worked up by designing men, or aristocrats in disguise, but both extremely tend to defeat our ideas of public order. Do not believe, however, the exaggerated accounts you may receive, particularly from England. That liberty and equality will be preserved in France, there is no doubt; in case there were, you well know that I would not, if they fall, survive them. But you may be assured, that we shall emerge from this unpleasant situation, either by an honorable defence, or by internal improvements. How far this constitution of ours insures a good government has not been as yet fairly expérienced. This only we know, that it has restored to the people their rights, destroyed almost every abuse, and turned. French vassalage and slavery into national dignity, and the enjoyment of those faculties, which nature has given and society ought to insure.

Give me leave to you alone to offer an observation respecting the late choice of the American ambassador. You know I am personally a friend to Gouverneur Morris, and ever as a private man have been satisfied with him. But the aristocratic, and indeed counter-revolutionary principles he has professed, unfitted him to be the representative of the only nation, whose politics have a likeness to ours, since they are founded

on the plan of a representative democracy. This I may add, that, surrounded with enemies as France is, it looks as if America was preparing for a change in this government; not only that kind of alteration, which the democrats may wish for and bring about, but the wild attempts of aristocracy, such as the restoration of a noblesse, a House of Lords, and such other political blemishes, which, while we live, cannot be reëstablished in France. I wish we had an elective Senate, a more independent set of judges, and a more energetic administration; but the people must be taught the advantages of a firm government before they reconcile it to their ideas of freedom, and can distinguish it from the arbitrary systems, which they have just got over. You see, my dear General, I am not an enthusiast for every part of our constitution, although I love its principles, which are the same as those of the United States, except the hereditary character of the president of the executive, which I think suitable to our circumstances. But I hate every thing like despotism and aristocracy, and I cannot help wishing the American and French principles were in the heart and on the lips of the American ambassador in France. This I mention to you alone.

There have been changes in the ministry. The King has chosen his council from the most violent popular party in the Jacobin club, a Jesuitic institution, more fit to make deserters from our cause than converts to it. The new ministers, however, being unsuspected, have a chance to restore public order, and say they will improve it. The Assembly are wild, uninformed, and too fond of popular applause; the King, slow and rather backward in his daily conduct, although now and then he acts full well; but upon the whole it will do, and the success of our revolution cannot be questioned.

My command extends on the frontiers from Givet to Bitche. I have sixty thousand men, a number that is increasing now, as young men pour in from every part of the empire to fill up the regiments. This voluntary recruiting shows a most patriotic spirit. I am going to encamp thirty thousand men, with a detached corps, in an intrenched camp. The remainder will occupy the fortified places. The armies of Maréchals Luckner and Rochambeau are inferior to mine, because we have sent many regiments to the southward; but, in case we have a war to undertake, we may gather respectable forces.

Our emigrants are beginning to come in. Their situation abroad is miserable, and, in case even we quarrel with our neighbours, they will be out of the question. Our paper money has been of late rising very

fast. Manufactures of every kind are much employed. The farmer finds his cares alleviated, and will feel the more happy under our constitution, as the Assembly are going to give up their patronage of one set of priests. You see, that, although we have many causes to be as yet unsatisfied, we may hope every thing will by and by come right. Licentiousness, under the mask of patriotism, is our greatest evil, as it threatens property, tranquillity, and liberty itself. Adieu, my dear General. My best respects wait on Mrs. Washington. Remember me most affectionately to our friends, and think sometimes of your respectful, loving, and filial friend,

LAFAYETTE.

George Washington, Writings (edited by Jared Sparks, Boston, 1836), X, Appendix, 502-504.

94. Criticism of the Neutrality Proclamation (1793)

BY "VERITAS"

The letters signed "Veritas" have been ascribed to Jefferson, but he denied the authorship, and accused a clerk in the treasury of writing them with a design to make unpopular the opposition to the proclamation. — Bibliography as in No. 93 above.

IN

SIR,

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

N countries where the people have little or no share in the government, (as in Great Britain for instance) it is not uncommon for the executive to act in direct opposition to the will of the nation. It is to be hoped that the practice of apeing the absurd and tyrannical systems of Britain, though already carried to an alarming extent in this country, will never proceed so far, as to induce our executive to try the vain experiment of officially opposing the national will. An attempt of this kind, at present, would be scouted with deserved contempt, and bring ruin on its author; and such must continue to be the case, unless government shall be able to establish so much corrupt influence as, with the aid of bayonet-logic, will be sufficient to support it, in defiance of the people.

Had you, Sir, before you ventured to issue a proclamation which appears to have given much uneasiness, consulted the general sentiments of your fellow-citizens, you would have found them, from one extremity

X

of the Union to the other, firmly attached to the cause of France. You would not have found them disposed to consider it as a “duty" to forget their debt of gratitude to the French nation; or to view with unconcern, the magnanimous efforts of a faithful ally, to baffle the infernal projects of those despots who have confederated for the purpose of crushing her infant liberty. Neither would you have found them so far divested of the feelings of men, as to treat with "impartiality," and equal "friendship," those tigers, who so lately deluged our country with the blood of thousands, and the men who generously flew to her rescue and became her deliverers. No, Sir- had even no written treaty existed between France and the United States, still would the strongest ties of amity have united the people of both nations; still would the republican citizens of America have regarded Frenchmen, contending for liberty, as their brethren; still would they have sympathized with them in their misfortunes, and have exulted in their success. Such, unquestionably, is the disposition of the generality of the people of the United States with respect to the French revolution. To such a people it would have been a pleasing circumstance, to have been able to discover in the proclamation a recognition of the treaties with France. That so little attention has been paid to the clamours which have arisen on this subject, in various parts of the Union, is to be lamented by every friend to the general government. Had you, Sir, considered the importance of retaining your popularity, you would, perhaps, have listened to the murmurs of the citizens; and have deigned to give them such explanations as might appear necessary to clear up the doubts which yet distract their minds. If this would have been descending too far, the secretary might have been authorized to satisfy the doubts or correct the mistakes of the people.

It ought never to be forgotten by our magistrates, that popular opinion is the basis of our government; and that when any public measure is not well understood, it would be by no means degrading to the authors of that measure, however exalted their station, to explain. Let me intreat you, Sir, to deal candidly with the people; and, without loss of time, to remove their anxiety, by informing them whether it is intended that the treaties with France are to be observed or not.

I am aware, Sir, that some court satellites may have deceived you, with respect to the sentiments of your fellow citizens. The first magistrate of a country, whether he be called a king or a president, seldom knows the real state of the nation, particularly if he be so much buoyed