In bringing this interesting subject to your consideration, I shall be excused, I trust, for pressing upon you as one of your patriotic duties, that of discarding all local and sectional feelings and interests. It is Virginia, one and indivisible, who has called us to consult as to her condition, to develope her wealth, to protect her interests and to advance her greatness. Let us select certain great improvements, and determine to complete them. Let us concentrate all our ample means upon them. And with the patriotism which ennobles the heart that possesses it, let us with cheerfulness and alacrity postpone our own cherished objects, until our grand design is consummated. The great improvements which I contemplate, it is all my desire to see carried on upon state account. The principle of improvement which has long prevailed in our state is unsound. Experience has proved it. Under the delusive idea that the public were to be protected against improvident investment, by an association with private interest, we have sunk at least two millions of dollars. Nor is this all; such associations frequently embarrass, if they do not control the policy of the state. It is an entangling alliance, not in fact beneficial to the state or individual stockholder, but injurious to both. Let no such associations hereafter be formed. Let the state build such improvements as may be regarded as state works, and leave the tributaries to spring out of local or sectional necessity, and be the works of individual enterprise and means.

The two great works I have to recommend to you are railroads, the one to commence at Buchanan, the other at Gordonsville. The one first named will proceed through the great southwestern valley, developing the finest mountain country in Virginia, and perhaps in the world, until it reaches the Tennessee line. From this point I am satisfied Tennessee will take up the improvement and carry it on to Knoxville, and down the Tennessee river to the Alabama line; and that it will be carried on to the City of New Orleans, by the intervening states. This great improvement will intersect the Hiwassee railroad in Tennessee, thus tapping the great work running from Memphis on the Mississippi, to Georgia and North Carolina. Let us give a pledge, that this work shall be commenced without delay and prosecuted to its completion. Let us send a delegation to the states through which this route passes, and invoke a simultaneous movement; and we shall in a few years see this great work completed, exhibiting a railroad of unequalled extent and importance, and which will pour a flood of wealth into Virginia, which will raise her to a position as proud and as lofty as was claimed for her in her palmiest days.

The second great railway that I propose, is to commence at Gordonsville, and is to terminate on the Kanawha or Ohio river. In selecting the location of this route, I propose to press as far north as practicable. My desire is to reach the headwaters of the Greenbrier, the Elk, the Little Kanawha, the Cheat and the Tygart's valley rivers. I wish to reach that summit level, if possible, with the main stem, because from that point improvements might move off down the valleys of those rivers, and returning, bring to the parent stem the rich productions of the west. It is believed that this scheme will have to encounter great physical difficulties. That they are great, I readily grant; but I do not believe them to be as serious as are apprehended. The outlay may be heavy, greater than on other routes; but enterprise and perseverance, guided by science, are invincible, and the equivalent will be found in the numerous and important advantages which this route will secure to Virginia. First, it will retain within our state a large amount of produce which now goes to Baltimore. Secondly, it will carry a great improvement within easy reach of the whole of northwestern Virginia, especially that part of it which is now anxious, for what may be termed the Baltimore right of way. Third, it will give to a large section of the state, now without an adequate road, the very best known style of improvement. Fourth, it will concentrate within our own state the resources and affections of her population, and put an end to the ambitious and selfish scheming of a foreign corporation. Fifth, it will connect us with the Ohio, and enable us successfully to contend with the whole world for the trade of the western valleys. These advantages may be ours, and are indispensable to our real prosperity and independence.

But this work must be commenced at once, and with it must be associated the assurance of its speedy prosecution. This, with a knowledge of the fact, that this city affords the best grain market south of New Nork, will, I doubt not, satisfy those parts of Virginia interested in the right of way. Let us carry on this important improvement with all reasonable despatch, and no Virginian, who feels in a true and proper spirit the honour and glory of the name, will desire to separate from his brethren and unite his business, and of course his attachments, with another state.

In connection with these views, and by request, I communicate the proceedings of a convention recently held in Staunton. By a like request I communicate those of a large meeting held at Weston on the 25th of September last. The object of this latter meeting is to secure the right of way to the Baltimore and Ohio railroad corporation through our state, as far south as the mouth of the Little Kanawha. This company has now the right to go through Virginia to Wheeling, but the great object is to touch the Ohio lower down, not only to get rid of the improvements of other states to the north, but to be able successfully to contend with our contemplated improvement. I speak advisedly when I state, that private capital can be obtained to connect by railway the James and Ohio rivers, if the state will give a pledge that no rival company shall be allowed to touch the Ohio below Wheeling. But without this pledge private capital will never undertake it. The destructive character of railroad competition is well known to business men. England is suffering from it to a most ruinous extent, and is now struggling to reform the evil by a union of rival routes. We are not without most unpleasant experience in our state. Pennsylvania is guarding against it also, in reference especially to, this Baltimore and Ohio railroad

company. And shall we, unconscious of those patriotic feelings which should prompt us to the adoption of that policy which will build up our state; and unmindful of that common sense that should ever govern great public interests, yield to a foreign corporation the right to penetrate into the heart of our state and draw therefrom her vital blood? I am however satisfied, gentlemen, that your legislative history will never be illustrated by an act so fatal to the best interests of our state. But it is my anxious hope that you will proceed with all proper despatch to the commencement of the two great works I have recommended; by the first, connecting this city with the great emporium of the west and bringing them within FORTY HOURS of each other; by the second, connecting the tide of the Atlantic with the currents of the beautiful Ohio. The one, ultimately by branches down the Roanoke and the Valley to an intersection with the road from Gordonsville, and the other by branches into the northwest, satisfying every reasonable want of the great sections of the state. Both without rivals to be regarded and accumulating throughout their long and magnificent course the varied productions of the richest country upon the earth, would fill our treasury and pour constant streams of wealth into our towns and cities, which would soon enable them proudly to rival the proudest cities of the world. Nor is this all; the vast amount of produce which would flood our markets would necessarily produce an immense navigation interest. Tidewater Virginia would become a ship yard. Her population would build our ships, own and sail them, and all would feel the fructifying influence of this mighty trade. Virginia would be prosperous, and would soon become rich; would add to her high moral power the indispensable element of numbers, and would soon become great and would then be, what every Virginian must anxiously desire, independent. This is no fancy sketch. The results of these important improvements will prove more striking than I have depicted them. Like causes produce like effects. In 1816 the whole real and personal estate of the City of New York did not exceed eighty-two millions of dollars. In 1825 it was only about one hundred millions. In that year the great New York canal was opened, and in ten years the population of the City of New York was nearly doubled, and her wealth increased to two hundred and eighteen millions of dollars. And up to 1841 she continued to increase her wealth at the rate of 91 per cent. per year, notwithstanding the destructive fire with which she had been devastated, and the monetary crisis through which the country had passed. But in the latter year the great Western railroad from Boston, which New York had imprudently allowed to be extended to Albany, had been opened, and the effect, (and I wish all who love Virginia to mark it,) has been to reduce the increase of the population of the City of New York to one and a quarter per cent. and actually to diminish her wealth one and one eighth per cent. per year. But while New York has declined, Boston has increased her population from 93,000 to 115,000, and her wealth from 98,000,000 to 135,000,000 of dollars, in the short period of four years.

The extraordinary results that have followed the completion of the great New York canal, and of the great railway of Massachusetts, are well calculated to excite our astonishment and awaken incredulity. In ten years after the canal is opened, New York city more than doubles her wealth; and in four years only after the opening of the Western railway, Boston has increased her population about 23 per cent., and her wealth over 40 per cent. And after deducting from these amounts a sum sufficient to cover their average previous progress, a balance will be found in those respective cities much more than sufficient to cover the whole outlay in the construction of those great works, and that, without any regard to the increase of wealth and population on the line of the improvements. And it establishes the soundness of the opinion which I have often expressed, and here repeat, that eastern, is more interested than western Virginia, in the speedy construction of our great works.

To briefly restate my plans: I propose and recommend a railroad to commence at Buchanan and to proceed to the Tennessee line, of course superseding all inferior improvements on the route. And I propose and recommend that the Louisa railroad from Gordonsville be pushed into the Shenandoah valley without delay, and that a critical instrumental survey of the northern route, which I have designated, be forth with made. I cannot doubt its practicability. The great Massachusetts railroad overcame, in the distance of about two hundred miles, an elevation of about 1400 feet; and I am encouraged to believe that more serious difficulties will not have to be overcome in the accomplishment of this great design.

In the construction of these works, the strictest economy should prevail. Expenditure should not be large enough to disturb the prices of labour and provisions. Any expenditure will stimulate industry and increase its productive powers. This excess of production will supply the unusual demand, if the proper limit on expenditure be adopted. And these improvements will then progress under advantages unknown to similar works.

I propose an expenditure of half a million a year only, to be divided between the two works. This divided expenditure will powerfully tend to prevent an upward tendency in prices, and secure the construction of the roads upon terms much below the experience of the country. In two years the improvement from Gordonsville will have reached the valley of the Shenandoah; and in the same time the Southwest railroad will have passed the coal and iron regions of Botetourt, and in the increasing revenues of the James river canal, and the Louisa and Fredericksburg railroads, we should begin to reap some of the fruits of our enterprise. I give it as my opinion that the increase of revenue which these improvements would in different ways produce, would, after the outlay of two years, pay the interest upon all the loans required for their prosecution.

I propose to provide for the expenditure which I have suggested, by an annual appropriation from the treasury of two hundred thousand dollars, and an issue of state bonds for the balance. The treasury can easily be

put into condition to meet this demand upon it. Without some extraordinary charge upon the treasury, we shall have a surplus on the first of October next of upwards of 150,000 dollars, which a slight increase of taxation on certain subjects which I have heretofore mentioned, would swell to 200,000 dollars, and thus place our treasury in condition to meet this new requisition. The bonds would present no difficulty. Our state credit is in the best condition, and our bonds could be easily disposed of at par, and under favourable circumstances, at a premium, to foreign purchasers. But I have no idea of giving them that destination. They are a favourite investment with our fellow-citizens, who already own more than half of our present debt. I believe that we have a floating money capital among us which would greedily absorb the whole issue. And as this money would not be destroyed by being used, but would healthily stimulate production, it would perform the same effective function, absorbing the same amount of bonds from year to year, and thus building these important railways exclusively from our

own resources.

It may be objected that these improvements would advance too slowly to their completion. I think that their progress will be fast enough to give us the advantages with which experience and science are daily benefiting mankind. The Baltimore company, which ambitiously aspires to penetrate Virginia in different directions, was 18 years in reaching Cumberland, a progress much slower than that which I propose. But this objection may be obviated whenever the legislature may in its wisdom direct.

The James river and Kanawha company will be before you, asking a loan for the payment of their current dues. The necessity of this application arises from the shortness of our crops, and the payment of certain outstanding claims which could no longer be deferred. As long as this improvement has to depend upon the valley of the James river alone, its revenues must be unsettled and precarious. It is only when it shall be extended to the North river, and shall be fed by the South western railroad, that its revenues will be independent of the seasons, and it will begin to develope its great capacity and value. But how is it to reach those points? Money is indispensable, and the company cannot raise it.

From a careful consideration of this subject, I am satisfied that the state may, with every short crop, anticipate the occurrence of similar demands until the improvement shall have reached the points which I have designated. The supply from both will be requisite to place the revenue of the James river company upon a footing of safety and independence. And it may be remarked here that one of the great excellences of the Southwestern railroad, as a monied investment, will be found to be, under careful and judicious management, that every ten miles throughout its whole extent will not only support itself, but will furnish large and increasing supplies to the canal. As the state cannot abandon the canal, it is obviously the part of true wisdom to complete it to the points indicated with every reasonable despatch. I have pondered most anxiously as to the best means of raising the funds for this purpose, and my conclusion is to recommend an issue of the bonds of the company, from time to time, as they may be needed, to the requisite amount, such issue to be guaranteed by the state. I recommend this mode of raising the money, because I believe that when the Southwestern railroad shall be finished, the condition of the canal will be eminently prosperous, and that it will possess the means of rapidly discharging its debts.

It cannot have escaped attention that I am opposed to the connection of the eastern and western waters through the valley of the James river, either by canal or railroad. Canals are not adapted to the impatient wants of the present age. The great New York canal is protected by law against the competition of the railroad running by its side. If the Pennsylvania, the Chesapeake and Ohio, and even our own James river canals were now new questions, few would be found so hardy as to advocate their construction. At this time a railroad is under construction between New York and Albany parallel with the Hudson river. Pennsylvania is constructing a line of railroads between Philadelphia and Pittsburg parallel with her canal. Railroads are projected on both sides of lake Erie; and it is manifest that they are destined to supersede, to a very great extent, all river and canal navigation. It is also agreed, that a mixed line of canal and railroad, cannot successfully contend for the western trade. I should therefore be opposed to the execution of the main design of the James river and Kanawha company, if it were entirely practicable, and we had the amplest means for its accomplishment. I am equally opposed to the connection of the eastern and western waters on this line by railroad. The canal affords every reasonable facility to the country through which it passes, and for local purposes the railroad is not required. But, by adopting another route, the connexion between the east and the west can be easily attained, and immense local advantages secured to other large portions of our state. The possible difference between the two routes, in the cost of their construction, will find an ample equivalent in the diffusion of these improvements. But the canal ought to be extended to the point I have stated. The work already partially constructed, could be finished for a smaller sum than would be requisite to complete a railroad. The whole work, too, would be homogeneous, and could be managed with more facility and economy than a mixed improvement. It would also enable them to put their freights at a lower rate than could be done if the line were composed of portions of canal and railroad improve

ment.

I have carefully observed this company for years. I am satisfied that its executive government is inefficient, useless, and unnecessarily expensive. Its condition is hopeless. With the state alone abides the power to preserve its vitality. In this condition of its affairs, with an eye alone to their improvement, I recommend that the present executive government of the company be abolished, and that all its duties and powers be trans

ferred to the Board of public works, which shall appoint a president clothed with all his present powers and duties. It would diminish the expenses of the company several thousand dollars a year, and give it, I am persuaded, a more efficient administration.

You will be informed by the report of the Board of public works of the sale and purchase of the late Portsmouth and Roanoke railroad, for and on account of the state. This purchase was made principally with a view of placing the road at the pleasure of the legislature. The rivalry which had existed between this road, from the day it was opened, and the Petersburg railroad, had been so disastrous, and the loss to the state, both in capital and revenue, had been so serious, that it was deemed a paramount duty on the part of the public agents to acquire the control of this road, that it might not fall into rival hands, and again become an instrument of dangerous and destructive competition. This policy, so just and so reasonable, was alone, I am persuaded, in the contemplation of the legislature, on the passage of the act providing for the sale of the Portsmouth and Roanoke railroad. To no one was offence intended, and most assuredly none to a sister state with which we are united by many ties of interest and affection. It is, therefore, with profound regret that I have to inform you that the chief magistrate of North Carolina, in his recent message to the general assembly, characterized the act referred to as "the mere effusion of a jealous and hostile spirit, without object or meaning.

The Portsmouth and Roanoke railroad, under the name of the Seaboard and Roanoke railroad, being now the property of the state, furnishes a question full of difficulty. It will not do to revive it as a rival road, to recommence that career which has already proved so fatal. Nor yet, will it be just to our fellow-citizens, who are interested in the road, or to the people of North Carolina, to leave it in its present condition. Sincerely anxious to protect the interests dependent on this road, and yet bound so to advise that the commonwealth shall sustain no injury in the premises, I have, after much consideration, concluded to recommend the passage of a law that will give the various railroad companies, or either of them, between the Roanoke and the Potomac, constituting what is generally called the inland route, the right to subscribe for four sevenths of the amount requisite to put it in prime running condition, and also to put on a line of boats in connexion there with to the City of Baltimore; each share of stock to give a vote, and all questions arising out of this road, in any way, to be left to the appellate control of the Board of public works. This plan will reopen this road as it formerly stood-prevent the revival of dangerous competition-restore to those dependent upon this road their former facilities-relieve our railroads of anxiety and uncertainty—and, in connexion with the bay line of boats, secure a good dividend upon the new in

vestment.

I deem it to be my duty to call your attention to the state of our shipping interests. With unusual advantages for ship building, and heavy exports to support it, a vessel is rarely built, and is as rarely owned among us. Nearly the whole of our heavy export and coastwise trade, is in the hands of those, many of whom, if they dared, would excite a servile war among us. The timber of our forests is carried to New England, with which to build a marine to transport our produce. Even the oysters of our creeks and rivers, and the pine woods which line their shores, are borne in bottoms not our own to our sister states. This untoward condition of our navigation interests, is to me a source of deep mortification. Cannot those interests be improved? Much can be done by individual association. The dawn of a better day I trust is at hand. But legislation may hasten the day when we shall be free from dependence upon other states for the means of transporting our large productions to the markets of the world. To secure this important element of wealth, independence and safety, I recommend a moderate bounty upon the tonnage of all vessels over 200 tons burthen built within our limits, by mechanics resident therein; and a moderate bounty per ton per annum on all vessels of like dimension which shall be built, owned and manned by our citizens.

The subject of a convention for the revision of the state constitution, continues to be one of absorbing interest in portions of our state. The abuses of the right of suffrage, and the powers of the county courts, would alone justify this measure. But regarding other and scarcely less important reforms to be indispensable, I earnestly recommend the passage of a law submitting the question of a convention to the people at their next annual election.

It is my duty to remind you of the necessity of providing by law for the erection of a suitable building for the preservation of the standard weights and measures furnished by the United States, under an act of congress, for the use of Virginia.

Sometime during the year a citation was served upon me, as the representative of the commonwealth, requiring her to appear on this day at the supreme court of the United States, at the instance of one James Phalen, to shew cause why judgment pronounced against him by the general court should not be corrected. This proceeding presents the question, whether the law of Virginia suppressing lotteries is in violation of the constitution of the United States. I have taken no steps in the premises.

I herewith communicate for your information, a letter from Harvard college library. Deeming its suggestions valuable, and its requests altogether reasonable and proper, I recommend the passage of a resolution to effect its objects.

During the past year Texas became a member of our Federal Union. Pending the negotiation which led to this auspicious result, Mexico protested against it in the most formal manner, notifying our government that

And

she would regard it as cause of war. Upon the passage of our resolutions for annexation, the Mexican minister, Gen. Almonte, under the orders of his government, abruptly terminated his diplomatic relations and left the country. He did not wait for Texas to adopt the measures called for by our resolutions, and to give her consent to the union. The consular agents of Mexico were also withdrawn. War to the Sabine was announced. such were her various manifestations of active hostility, that Texas called upon the United States for protection. This power having taken the steps which justified our intervention, our troops advanced into the country and quartered at Corpus Christi, west of the Nueces. This post was then held by a body of Texan Rangers, and had been for months; and were ordered there for the protection of Texas against the inroads of the Camanches. It was a Texan settlement. Texas had always claimed the Rio Grande as her western boundary. Santa Anna had admitted it. Our most distinguished statesmen had maintained it. Congress had extended the laws of the United States over the whole country up to this limit; and then, and not until then, did our troops march upon the Rio Grande. When they reached this boundary and encamped opposite Matamoras, Gen. Taylor gave to the Mexican general every assurance of a peaceful purpose. For some time no belligerent act was done by the Mexicans. So thoroughly satisfied was our little army that the peace of the two countries would not be disturbed, that the gallant Worth gave up his command upon a point of rank, and tendered his commission to his government. Up to this moment no belligerent act had been committed by either party. But the hostile intentions of Mexico were not long to remain concealed. Col. Cross, under the confidence of our peaceful relations, having left our encampment, was basely murdered; Porter and a small party met a similar fate; other acts of aggression occurred, and finally Mexico abandoned her disguise, marched her troops across the Rio Grande, and commenced the war. The gallant defence of Fort Brown, made immortal by the death of a hero, and the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, were the consequence. These deeds of arms are destined to make a glittering page in the history of our country. They filled the American heart with gladness and with confidence, but unmingled with a disposition to trample upon our beaten and wanton foe. Peace was again offered by us, and again rejected by Mexico, without an effort at negotiation. And nothing is now left to us but ingloriously to abandon those fields which we have so gloriously won; or by a change in our plan of operations, originally designed I suppose merely to secure a satisfactory frontier, to conquer a peace by penetrating to the heart of Mexico.

It must be highly gratifying to every American that General Taylor was instructed by his government carefully to avoid, if possible, all collision with the troops of Mexico. And it is no less gratifying to know that this order was strictly obeyed. The peace of the world was not broken by us. Mexico had committed outrage upon outrage upon us, through a series of years; relying upon her numerical superiority and confident of an easy victory, she made a bold and daring assault upon our army.

It was in view of these facts, that the congress of the United States, on the 13th of May 1846, by an act passed with a despatch and a unanimity unknown in our legislation, declared that "whereas by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that government and the United States," and, to "prosecute" said war, authorized the president "to call for and accept the services of any number of volunteers not exceeding 50,000." Under this authority I was called upon by the war department under date of 19th May last to hold in readiness three regiments of volunteers. To put myself in condition promptly to answer a call for immediate service, I, by my proclamation, announced to my fellow-citizens my readiness to receive a tender of the services of thirty companies of volunteers. This announcement was responded to in a highly gratifying manner. More than the complement required promptly enrolled, and tendered their services for a twelve month's campaign. These troops were not called into the field. But under date of 16th November last, by virtue of the authority of the act of the 13th of May, a requisition was made upon me for one regiment of volunteers of ten companies, for immediate service, and to serve for the war. I promptly issued my proclamation announcing this new call upon our state, declared the enrollment under my former proclamation null and void, and made a call for the regiment required in conformity with the new conditions of the war department. It is a source to me of pride and satisfaction to be able to inform you, that this new call has been responded to, as far as I have definite information from the state, with spirit and alacrity; and that the contest among us will not be who is to be excused, but who is to be permitted to rally under the banner of their state and country.

In the performance of the duties which these calls imposed upon me, I have felt great difficulty, from the want of clear and explicit legislation, providing for such emergencies. But deeming it wholly inconsistent with the pride, character and patriotism of the state, to omit to respond to the calls which have been made upon me, from any doubt of my powers, I took the measures I have stated, and also authorized the volunteers to elect their company officers. I have not made the appointment of field officers, although it is important that it should be done without delay, not deeming it absolutely indispensable, and regarding it as more respectful to leave the whole matter to your consideration. Indeed, I have strong doubts if this case is at all provided for by law, and I have consequently not felt myself at liberty to do more than what seemed urgently necessary, or to go as far as has been done by the governors of other states. For the purpose, therefore, of putting what has been done beyond all doubt, I recommend the passage of a law or joint resolution, confirming the elections that have been held, and the commissions that have been issued in pursuance thereof, and also providing for the appointment of field officers, leaving the appointmeut of the staff as now provided in the case of militia officers.