this description, had the liberality to allow liberty of conscience to all who came to settle in his province; so that though William Penn is justly entitled to the praise of posterity for having erected a colony composed of different denominations of christians, where the laws respecting liberty both civil and religious, were equally extended to all, and where no particular sect was permitted to arrogate itself peculiar advantages, yet he had not the honour, as we see, (however the project with him might have been original,) of being the first to realize it.

"Having refreshed himself at William Richardson's, he proceeded to a religious meeting of the quakers, two miles further on, which was to be held at the house of Thomas Hooker. From thence he went to Choptank, on the eastern shore of Chesapeak Bay, where a meeting of colonels, magistrates, and persons of divers qualities and ranks,' had been purposely appointed. The visit being over, he returned to Upland, which from henceforth I shall call Chester.

"The time now arrived when he was to confirm his great treaty with the Indians. His religious principles, which led him to the practice of the most scrupulous morality, did not permit him to look upon the king's patent, or legal possession according to the laws of England, as sufficient to establish his right to the country, without purchasing it by fair and open bargain of the natives, to whom only it properly belonged. He had therefore instructed commissioners, who had arrived in America before him, to buy it of the latter, and to make with them at the same time a treaty of eternal friendship. This the commissioners had done; and this was the time when,

by mutual agreement between him and the Indian chiefs, it was to be publicly ratified. He pro ceeded therefore, accompanied by his friends, consisting of men, women, and young persons of both sexes, to Coaquannoc, the Indian name for the place where Philadelphia now stands. On his arrival there he found the Sachems and their tribes assembling. They were seen in the woods as far as the eye could carry, and looked frightful both on account of their number and their arms. The quakers are reported to have been but a handful in comparison, and these without any weapon,-so that dismay and terror had come upon them, had they not confided in the righteousness of their cause.

"It is much to be regretted, when we have accounts of minor treaties between William Penn and the Indians, that in no historian I can find an account of this, though so many mention it, and though all concur in considering it as the most glorious of any in the annals of the world. There are, however, relations in Indian speeches, and traditions in quaker families descended from those who

were present on the occasion, from which we may learn something concerning it. It appears that, though the parties were to assemble at Coaquannoc, the treaty was made a little higher up, at Shackamaxop. Upon this Kensington now stands, the houses of which may be considered. as the suburbs of Philadelphia. There was at Shackamaxon an elm tree of a prodigious size. To this the leaders on both sides repaired, approaching each other under its widely-spreading branches. William Penn appeared in his usual clothes. He had no crown, sceptre, mace, sword, halberd, or any insignia of C 2 eminence.

eminence. He was distinguished only by wearing a sky-blue sash round his waist, which was made of silk net work, and which was of no larger apparent dimensions than an officer's military sash, and much like it except in colour. On his right hand was Colonel Markham, his relation and secretary, and on his left his friend Pearson before mentioned; after whom followed a train of quakers. Before him were carried various articles of merchandize, which when they came near the Sachems, were spread upon the ground. He held a roll of parchment, containing the confirmation of the treaty of purchase and amity in his hand. One of the Sachems, who was the chief of them, then put upon his own head a kind of chaplet, in which appeared a small horn. This, as among the primitive Eastern nations, and according to scripture language, was an emblem of kingly power; and whenever the chief, who had a right to wear it, put it on, it was understood that the place was made sacred, and the persons of all present inviolable. Upon putting on this horn the Indians threw down their bows and arrows, and seated themselves round their chiefs in the form of a half-moon upon the ground. The chief Sachem then announced to William Penn, by means of an interpreter, that the nations were ready to hear him.

"Having been thus called upon, he began. The great spirit, he said, who made him and them, who ruled the heaven and the earth, and who knew the innermost thoughts of man, knew that he and his friends had a hearty desire to live in peace and friendship with them, and to serve them to the utmost of their power. It was not their custom to

use hostile weapons against their fellow-creatures, for which reason they had come unarmed. Their object was not to do injury, and thus provoke the great spirit, but to do good. They were then met on the broad pathway of good faith and good will, so that no advantage was to be taken on either side, but all was to be openness, brotherhood, and love. After these and other words, he unrolled the purchment, and by means of the same interpreter, conveyed to them, article by article, the conditions of the purchase, and the words of the compact then made for their eternal union. Among other things, they were not to be molested in their lawful pursuits even in the territory they had alienated, for it was to be common to them and the English. They were to have the same liberty to do all things therein relating to the improvement of their grounds, and providing sustenance for their families, which the English had. If any disputes should arise between the two, they should be settled by twelve persons, half of whom should be English, and half Indians. He then paid them for the land, and made them many presents besides from the merchandize which had been spread before them. Having done this, he laid the roll of parchment on the ground, observing again, that the ground should be common to both people. He then added, that he would not do as the Marylanders did, that is, call them children, or brothers only; for often parents were apt to whip their children too severely, and brothers sometimes would differ: neither, would he compare the friendship between him and them to a chain, for the rain might sometimes rust it, or a tree might fall and break' it; but he

should

should consider them as the same flesh and blood with the christians, and the same as if one man's body were to be divided into two parts. He then took up the parchment, and presented it to the Sachem who wore the horn in the chaplet, and desired him and the other Sachems to preserve it carefully for three generations, that their children might know what had passed between them, just as if he had remained himself with them to repeat it.

"That William Penn must have done and said a great deal more on this interesting occasion than bas now been represented, there can be no doubt. What I have advanced may be depended upon; but I am not warranted in going further. It is also to be regretted, that the speeches of the Indians on this memorable day have not come down to us. It is only known, that they solemnly pledged themselves, according to their country manner, to live in love with William Penn and his children as long as the sun and moon should endure. Thus ended this famous treaty, of which more has been said in the way of praise than of any other ever transmitted to posterity. This,' says Voltaire, was the only treaty between those people and the christians that was pot ratified by an oath, and that was never broken.'-' William Penn thought it right,' says the Abbé Raynal, to obtain an additional right by a fair and open purchase from the aborigines; and thus he signalized his arrival by an act of equity which made his person and principles equally beloved. Here it is the mind rests with pleasure upon modern history, and feels some kind of compensation for the disgust, melancholy, and horror, which the whole of it, but particularly that of

the European settlements in America, inspires.'-Noble, in his continuation of Granger, says, he occupied his domains by actual bargain and sale with the Indians. This fact does him infinite honour, as no blood was shed, and the christian and the barbarian met as brothers. Penn has thus taught us to respect the lives and properties of the most unenlightened nations. Being now returned,' says Robert Proud, in his history of Pennsylvania, ' from Maryland to Coaquannoc, he purchased lands of the Indians, whom he treated with great justice and sincere kindness. It was at this time when he first entered personally into that friendship with them, which ever afterwards continued between them, and which for the space of more than seventy years was never interrupted, or so long as the quakers retained power in the government. -His conduct in general to these people was so engaging, his justice in particular so conspicuous, and the counsel and advice which he gave them were so evidently for their advantage, that he became thereby very much endeared to them; and the sense thereof made such deep impressions on their understandings, that his name and memory will scarcely ever be effaced while they continue a people.

"After the treaty he went up the Delaware a few miles, to see the mansion which Colonel Markham had been preparing for him. It was erected, but not finished. The manor, on which it stood, was beautifully situated, being on the banks of the Delaware over against the present Burlington, and only a few miles below the falls of Trenton. It was a treble island, the Delaware running three times round it. The mansion was built of brick, and was

large

large and commodious. There was a spacious hall in it, intended as a hall of audience for the sovereigns of the soil. Reserving this for his own residence, he gave it the name of Pennsbury.

"From Pennsbury he returned to Chester. Having now fairly purchased the land of the natives, he ordered a regular survey of it. This was performed by Thomas Holme, who had come out as surveyor general of the province. During the survey he pitched upon Coaquannoc as the most noble and commodious place for his new city. It was situated between the rivers Skuylkill and Delaware, and therefore bounded by them on two sides, and on a third by their confluence. The junction of two such rivers, and both of them navigable, the great width and depth of the latter so admirably calculated for commerce, the existence of a stratum of brick earth on the spot, immense quarries of building stone in the neighbour hood, these and other circumstances determined him in the choice of it. It happened, however, that it was then in the possession of the Swedes; but the latter, on application being made to them, cheerfully exchanged it for land in another quarter.

66

Having now determined upon the site, and afterwards upon the plan of the city, he instructed Thomas Holme to make a map of it, in which the streets were to be laid out as they were to be afterwards built. There were to be two large streets, the one fronting the Delaware on the east, and the other the Skuylkill on the west, of a mile in length. A third, to be called high street, of one hundred feet broad, was to run directly through the middle of the city so as to communicate with the streets now

mentioned at right angles; that is, it was to run through the middle from river to river, or from east to west. A fourth of the same breadth, to be called broad street, was to run through the middle also, but to intersect high street at right angles, or to run from north to south. Eight streets, fifty feet wide, were to be built parallel to high street, that is, fiom river to river; and twenty, of the like width, parallel to broad street, that is, to cross the former from side to side. The streets running from east to west were to be named according to their numerical order, such as first, second, and third street, and those from north to south according to the woods of the country, such as vine, spruce, pine, sassafras,cedar,and others. There was to be, however, a square of ten acres, in the middle of the city, each corner of which was to be reserved for public offices. There was to be also in each quarter of it a square of eight acres, to be used by the citizens in like manner as Moorfields in London. The city, having been thus planned, he gave it a name, which he had long reserved for it, namely, Philadelphia, in token of that principle of brotherly love, upon which he had come to these parts; which he had shown to Dutch, Swedes, Indians, and others alike; and which he wished might for ever characterize his new dominions.

Scarcely was this plan deter- / mined upon, when, late as the season was, some of the settlers began to build, and this with such rapidity, being assisted by the Swedes, that several houses were erected in this year. He himself was employed in the mean while with Thomas Holme in finishing the survey of his grants and purchases; the result of which was, that he divided the province

aud

and territories, each into three counties. The province contained those of Philadelphia, Bucks, aud Chester; the first so named from the city, which was then building; the second from Buckinghamshire in England, which was the land of his ancestors; and the third from the

promise before mentioned which he had made to his friend Pearson. The territories contained those of Newcastle, Kent, and Süssex; the latter of which he so named out of respect to his wife's family, Sussex in England having been the county of their nativity for generations.

THE year 1520 was no less re

"TH markable than the preceding

for a display of Luther's activity. Scarcely was it begun when he pnblished in German a pamphlet on the sacrament. About the same time he ventured to address a letter, in defence of the new doctrine, to the young emperor Charles V. That prince was under great obligations to Frederick, and Luther, who, like others, was as yet a stranger to his cold, calculating character, entertained hopes that the impulse of gratitude might render him tolerant, if not favourable, to the reformed cause. He makes in this letter a declaration to the following effect.

"The violent publications which have taken place are to be ascribed to the intemperance of my enemies. My object has been to circulate nothing but evangelical truth in opposition to traditionary superstitions. I have called, but in vain, on my adversaries to point out in what respect my opinions are erroneous. I now find it necessary, after the example of Athanasius, to invoke the protection of the imperial majesty, but I desire it no longer 1han until my arguments have received a fair hearing, after which I

shall either conquer or be conquered.'

"A few days after, Luther gave to the world, in the shape of a protestation, or open declaration of his tenets, a repetition of what he had written to the emperor. This was speedily followed by a letter dated February 4, and addressed to Albert, archbishop of Mentz. It was expressed in terms equally respectful and submissive as the letter to the emperor; but, being directed to an ecclesiastic, it contained a fuller statement of the theological discussion. Imputing the hostility displayed against him, in a great measure, to persons who had never read his writings, Luther entreated the archbishop to take the trouble of perusing them. The prelate's reply was expressed in a style of greater attention than might have been expected from a personage so completely devoted to the court of Rome. It was addressed, · Honorabili et religioso nobis in Christo dilecto, Martino Luthero, Theologice Professori.' The sequel, short as it was, bore the mark of coming from a practised politician. The archbishop avoided any discussion of Luther's works, by declaring that he had not had leisure to peruse them;

and