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intention to employ the most proper means for conciliating the interests of all, perceives, in the numerous settlements which have taken place between the old and the new landholders, the means of rendering those cares almost superfluous. He engages, however, to interdict all proceedings by the tribunals, contrary to such settlements,—to encourage voluntary arrangements, and, on the part of himself and his family, to set the example of all those sacrifices which may contribute to the repose of France, and the sincere union of all Frenchmen*.

The king has guarantied to the army the maintenance of the ranks, employments, pay, and appointments which it at present enjoys. He promises also to the generals, officers, and soldiers, who shall signalise themselves in support of his cause, rewards more substantial, distinctions more honourable, than any they can receive from an usurper, always ready to disown, or even to dread their service. The king binds himself anew to abolish that pernicious conscription, which destroys the happiness of families and the hope of the country.

Such always have been, such still are, the intentions of the king. His re-establishment on the throne of his ancestors will be for France only the happy transition from the calamities of a war which tyranny perpetuates, to the blessings of a solid peace, for which foreign powers can never find any security but in the word of the legitimate sovereign.

Hartwell, Feb. 1, 1813.

LOUIS.

TREATY BETWEEN RUSSIA AND

SWEDEN.

Substance of the engagements betwen the courts of St. Petersburg and Stockholm, signed at St. Petersburg the 24th of March 1812, so far as the same are referred to in the treaty between his majesty and the king of Sweden signed at Stockholm on the 3d of March 1813.

The object of the emperor of Russia and the king of Sweden in forming an alliance is stated to be for the purpose of securing reciprocally their states and possessions against the common enemy.

The French government having by the occupation of Swedish Pomerania committed an act of hostility against the Swedish government, and by the movement of its armies having menaced the tranquillity of the empire of Russia, the contracting parties engage to make a diversion against France and her allies, with a combined force of twenty-five or thirty thousand Swedes, and of fifteen or twenty thousand Russians, upon such point of the coast of Germany as may be judged most convenient for that purpose.

As the king of Sweden cannot make this diversion in favour of the common cause, consistently with the security of his dominions, so long as he can regard the kingdom of Norway as an enemy, his majesty the emperor of Russia engages, either by negotiation or by military co-operation, to unite the kingdom of Norway to Sweden. He engages moreover to guaranty the peaceable possession of it to his Swedish majesty.

The two contracting parties en

The uti possidetis of course is meant by his majesty,

gage

gage to consider the acquisition of Norway by Sweden as a prelimimilitary operation to the diversion on the coast of Germany, and the emperor of Russia promises to place for this object, at the disposal and under the imme diate orders of the prince royal of Sweden, the corps of Russian troops above stipulated.

The two contracting parties be. ing unwilling, if it can be avoided, to make an enemy of the king of Denmark, will propose to that sovereign to accede to this alliance, and will offer to his Danish majesty to procure for him a complete indemnity for Norway, by a territory more contiguous to his German dominions, provided his Danish majesty will cede for ever his rights on the kingdon of Norway to the king of Sweden.

In case his Danish majesty shall refuse this offer, and shall have decided to remain in alliance with France, the two contracting parties engage to consider Denmark as their enemy.

As it has been expressly stipulated that the engagement of his Swedish majesty to operate with his troops in Germany in favour of the common cause, shall not take effect until after Norway shall have been acquired by Sweden, either by the cession of the king of Denmark, or in consequence of military operations, his majesty the king of Sweden engages to trans port his army into Germany, according to a plan of campaign to be agreed upon, as soon as the above object shall have been attained.

His Britannic majesty to be invited by both powers to accede to and to guaranty the stipulations contained in the said treaty.

By a subsequent convention, signed at Abo the 30th of August 1812, the Russian auxiliary force was to be carried to thirty-five thousand men.

PROCLAMATION OF THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

His majesty the king of Prussia, having made an offensive and defensive treaty with the emperor Alexander, has issued the following proclamation:

TO THE PUBLIC.

It is unnecessary to render an account to my good people of Germany of the motives for the war which is now commencing; they are evident to impartial Europe. Bent under the superior power of France, that peace which deprived me of half my subjects, procured us no blessings-it on the contrary hurt us more than war itself. The heart of our country was impove rished. The principal fortresses were occupied by the enemy; agriculture was neglected, as well as the industry of our cities, which had risen to a very high degree. Liberty of trade being interrupted, naturally closed all the sources of ease and prosperity. By the most exact observance of the stipulated · treaties, I hoped to obtain an alleviation for my people, and at last to convince the French emperor that it was his own interest to have Prussia independent; but my intentions, my exertions, to attain so desirable an object proved fruitless. Nothing but haughtiness and treachery was the result! We discovered, but rather late, that the emperor's conventions were more ruinous to us than his open wars. The moment is now arrived in which no

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illusion respecting our condition can remain. Brandenburghers! Prussians! Silesians! Pomerani. ans! Lithuanians! you know what you have suffered during the last seven years-you know what a miserable fate awaits you, if you do not honourably finish the now commencing conflict. Remember former times-remember the illus trious elector, the great Frederick -remember the benefits for which our ancestors contended under their direction. The liberty of conscience-honour-independence trade-industry-and knowledge. Bear in mind the great example of our allies the Russians-think of the Spaniards and Portuguese; small nations have even gone to battle, for similar benefits, against a more powerful enemy, and obtained victory. Remember the Swiss and the Netherlands.-Great sacrifices are required from all ranks; because our plan is great, and the number and means of our enemy not less so. You will make them sooner for your countryyour king-than for a foreign regent, who by so many examples has proved he would take your sons and last strength for designs to which you are strangers. Confidence in God, constancy, courage, and the powerful assistance of our allies, will favour our just cause with glorious victory. But however great the sacrifices that may be required from individuals, they will not outweigh the sacred interests for which they are given, for which we combat and must conquer, or cease to be Prussians or Germans.-We are now engaged in the last decisive contest for our existence, our independence, and our property. There is no medium between an honourable peace or glorious ruin.

Even this you would manfully sup port for your honour, because a Prussian and German cannot live without it. But we dare confi. dently trust, God and our firm purpose will give our just cause victory, and with this an uninter rupted peace, and the return of happier times.

FREDERICK WILLIAM.
Breslau, March 17.

[Another address, to the army, couched in similar energetic terms, promises that their king and princes will always be with them, and fight by their side.]

AMERICA.

MESSAGE FROM PRESIDENT MADISON,

Fellow citizens of the senate, and of the house of representatives,

At an early day after the close of last session of congress, an offer was formally communicated from the emperor of Russia of his media, tion as the common friend of the United States and Great Britain, for the purpose of facilitating a peace between them. The high character of the emperor Alexander being a satisfactory pledge for the sincerity and impartiality of his offer, it was immediately accepted; and as a further proof of the disposition on the part of the United States to meet their adversary in honourable experiments for terminating the war, it was determined to avoid intermediate delay, incident to the distance of the parties, by a definitive provision for the contemplated negotiation. Three of our eminent citizens were accordingly commissioned, with the requisite powers, to conclude a treaty of peace, with persons clothed with like powers on the part of Great Britain. They were autho

rised also to enter into such conventional regulations of the commerce between the two countries as may be mutually advantageous.-The two envoys, who were in the United States at the time of their appointment, have proceeded to join their colleagues already at St. Peters burgh.

The envoys have received another commission, authorising them to conclude with Russia a treaty of commerce, with a view to strengthen the amicable relations, and improve the beneficial intercou, between the two countries.

The issue of this friendly intercourse of the Russian emperor, and this pacific manifestation on the part of the United States, time only can decide. That the sentiments of Great Britain towards that sovereign will have produced an acceptance of his offered mediation, must be presumed. That no adequate motives exist to prefer a continuance of war with the United States to the terms on which they are willing to close it, is certain.

The British cabinet also must be sensible, that with respect to the important question of impressment, on which the war so essentially turns, a search for or seizure of British persons or property on board neutral vessels on the high seas, is not a belligerent right derived from the law of nations; and it is obvious, that no visit or search, or use of force, for any purpose, on board the vessel of one independent power on the high seas, can, in war or peace, be sanctioned by the laws or authority of another power. It is equally obvious, that for the purpose of preserving to each state its sea-faring members, by excluding them from the vessels of the other, the made heretofore proposed by the United States, and now en1813.

acted by them, as an article of municipal policy, cannot for a moment be compared with the mode practised by Great Britain, without a conviction of its title to preference; inasmuch as the latter leaves the discrimination between the mariners of the two nations to officers exposed to unavoidable bias, as well as, by a defect of evidence, to a wrong decision under circumstances precluding, for the most part, the enforcement of controlling penalties, and where a wrong decision, be sides the irreparable violation of the sacred rights of persons, might frustrate the plan and profits of entire voyages; whereas the mode assumed by the United States guards with studied fairness and efficacy against errors in such cases, and avoids the effect of casual errors on the safety of navigation and the success of mercantile expedi tions.

If the reasonableness of expectations, drawn from these considerations, could guaranty their fulfilment, a just peace would not be distant. But it becomes the wisdom of the national legislature to keep in mind the true policy, or rather the indispensable obligation, of adapting its measures to the supposition that the only course to that happy event is in the vigorous employment of the resources of war. And painful as the reflection is, this duty is particularly enforced by the spirit. and manner in which the war continues to be waged by the enemy, who, uninfinenced by the unvaried, examples of humanity set them, are adding to the savage fury of it on one frontier a system of plunder and conflagration on the other, equally forbidden by respect for national character, and by the established rules of civilized warfare.

As an encouragement to perse

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vering

vering and invigorated exertions to bring the contest to a happy result, I have the satisfaction of being able to appeal to the auspicious progress of our arms both by land and on

the water.

In continuation of the brilliant achievements of our infant navy, a signal triumph has been gained by captain Lawrence and his companions in the Hornet sloop of war, which destroyed a British sloop of war, with a celerity so unexampled, and with a slaughter of the enemy so disproportionate to the loss in the Hornet, as to claim for the conquerors the highest praise, and the full recompense provided by congress in preceding cases. Our public ships of war, in general, as well as the private armed vessels, have continued also their activity and success against the commerce of the enemy, and by their vigilance and address have greatly frustrated the efforts of the hostile squadrons distributed along our coasts, to intercept them in returning into port and resuming their cruises.-The augmentation of our naval force, as authorised at the last session of congress, is in progress. On the lakes our superiority is near at hand, were it not already established.

The events of the campaign, so far as they are known to us, furnish matter of congratulation, and show that, under a wise organization and efficient direction, the army is de. stined to a glory not less brilliant than that which already encircles the navy. The attack and capture of York is, in that quarter, a preage of future and greater victories while, on the western frontier, the issue of the late siege of Fort Meigs leaves nothing to regret but a single act of inconsiderate valour.

The sudden death of the di

stinguished citizen who represented the United States in France, without any special arrangements by him for such a contingency, has left us without the expected sequel to his last communications; nor has the French government taken any measures for bringing the depending negotiations to a conclusion through its representative in the United States. This failure adds

to delays before so unusually spun out. A successor to our departed minister has been appointed, and is ready to proceed on his mission. The course which he will pursue in fulfilling it, is that prescribed by a steady regard to the true interests of the United States, which equally avoids an abandonment of their just demands, and a connection of their features with the system of other powers.

The receipts into the treasury, from the 1st of October to the 31st of March last, including the sums received on account of treasury notes, and of the loans authorised by the acts of the last and the preceding session of congress, have amounted to 15,412,000 dollars. The expenditures during the same period amounted to 15,920,000, and left in the treasury on the 1st of April 1,857,000 dollars. The loan of 16 millions of dollars, authorised by the act of the 8th of February last, has been contracted for. Of that sum more than a million of dollars had been paid into the trea sury prior to the 1st of April, and formed a part of the receipts as above stated. The remainder of that loan, amounting to near 15 millions of dollars, with the sum of five millions of dollars authorised to be issued in treasury notes, and the estimated receipts from the customs and the sales of public lands, a mounting to 9,000,000 dollars, and

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