Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB
[ocr errors]

half subjects to our lord and king. They were not citizens like the others, and could not expect to enjoy the same privileges. They would not bow to the house of Brunswick, while to petty Italian prelates and impious councils they were abject slaves. Let them shake off that yoke (not abjure their religion), and not expect us to give way to them while their bishops are under foreign and hostile direction. It was to aid them in extricating themselves from this subjection, that the college of Maynooth was established; and till they freed themselves from foreign domination, he for one never could assent to their claims. He called for a previous declaration on this point before parliament decided. Circumstances had greatly changed since last session with regard to the condition of the pope, with regard to the resolutions of the catholics, and with regard to the opinions of the Irish protestants. Under these, he could not agree that it was possible to fulfil the words of the resolution, and reconcile all parties. On the contrary, he thought that acceding to it would do infinite mischief, by keeping alive religious disputes; he therefore gave the proposition his decided negative.

Mr. R. Ward, towards the close of a very eloquent speech, said, we seemed to treat the Roman catholics as if they were a sort of Paraguay Indians with whom we were for the first time to act, who had given us no security, and to whom we had extended no protection. But, in fact, the catholics were incorporated in a political system we had given them a political rank and existence: we had allowed them great advantages, but not all they wanted they were a powerful, but a discontented body; and

the only question was, whether we shall now add something to their power in order to remove their discontent? Their discontent is great, general, and growing the power we still withhold from them triffing, and such as in all probability would admit of no great increase; and it was with probability only, not with possibility, that they ought to concern themselves. There would at first be a few catholic members in that house, a few catholic peers, one or two catholic generals, and perhaps, with the progress of time, the number might increase: but to this increase you must oppose the increased liberality in the catholics themselves, necessarily consequent on their admission to equal benefits and their freer intercourse with the rest of the community; by which they would become less intensely catholic. It was an old adage, that the blood of the martyrs was the seed of the church; and so every kind of persecution (and all religious disabilities come under this head) had a tendency to rivet opposition, and strengthen attachment to a sect. It was not their religion, but our law; it was

a

common grievance, not their common faith, which bound them together, and widened the separation between them and us. On the contrary, the unavoidable effect of a more liberal system, and a more open communication, would be to wear out prejudices and soften asperities. Invested with dignity, and enjoying power, they would no longer continue bigoted fanatics. The same degree of information and knowledge of the world which would be necessary to raise them to political eminence, would be incompatible with any narrow and mischievous prejudices. Neither would it be desired or expected, even by their own-body, that

those

those who were known to retain strong and inveterate prejudices should be admitted to a participation of power or office in a country where the king and a majority of the legislature were protestant; there would be no statutable or desirable ground for the exclusion, but it would follow as the obvious dictate of common sense and propriety. At present we involved in one indiscriminate sentence of proscription a whole class of men, without any regard to their precensions, to the liberality or narrowness of their views, to their attachments or antipathies. The advantages which we meant to give to the catholics affected not the soldier, but the of ficer; not the peasant, but the peer; not the constituent, but the representative. The lower orders would no doubt in time be included in the benefits of emancipation, but it would immediately affect only the higher orders of the catholic community. The only danger, therefore, to be apprehended was from their supposed disaffection: but this danger, whatever it was, would be diminished instead of being increased by the proposed measure; for nothing but the restraints under which the catholic nobility and gentry laboured could in any instance account for the disaffection imputed to them; nothing could prevent the absurd attachment to a foreign hierarch from falling into universal contempt, but their exclusion from the favour of their lawful and natural sovereign. If it were necessary to the safety of the empire to continue the state of irritation which had so long prevailed in consequence of this exclusion, we must meet the necessity with fortitude: but before we ventured on this final step, we ought to reflect what men Ireland had already pro

duced, and what services, what talents, and what zeal we might add to the common cause by throwing open the avenues to honour and public distinction. It ought not to be forgotten, that to Ireland we owed such men as lord Wellington and Mr. Burke: and, though he was present, he must be allowed to add the name of the honourable mover of this question. It had been urged in the course of debate, that though the claims of the catholics might in themselves be entitled to a favourable attention, yet they had forfeited all consideration by their precipitate and violent conduct. By this rule it might be proved, that every species of injustice and oppression ought to last for ever; for wherever injustice had produced discontent, the expression of that discontent would be a justification of the continuance of the oppression. The Irish catholics were not charged with disaffection; but they had used improper expressions ;-they had talked of a right, where we only talked of expediency;-they asked as a debt, for what we only were disposed to grant, if we granted it at all, as a favour. We were determined to scan every word, and watch every step; and because they had used a wrong word, and taken a wrong step, we thought it a sufficient reason to deny their claims, and to continue our injustice under the in fluence of hope constantly excited, and constantly disappointed-often invited to approach the threshold of liberty, and always refused admittance. Some murmurs of dis satisfaction, some gestures denoting impatience, had escaped them; and for this we were ready to disfran chise four millions of people! Was this justice, reason, or common sense? If the Irish people had ex. D 3

pressed

1

pressed no impatience, if their zeal had never displayed itself in any casual burst of intemperance, then it would have been said, "The Irish people are happy and tranquil; they want no change; they are indifferent to this mighty boon you would confer upon them-emancipation is not the wish of Ireland, but the cry of a faction. If the catholics were really in earnest, you would see some symptoms of it in the workings of the public mindin the importunity of their de mands." Now that they expressed their feelings strongly, and in some cases (as it would always happen where there was a strong public feeling) indiscreetly, they were charged with intemperance and ingratitude. So that let them be Jukewarm or over zealous, tranquil or turbulent, there is always some good excuse for withholding substantial justice from them. As to the question which had been asked this night, and answered on a former night, Why not have a catholic king, as well as catholle members of parliament? he would only repeat, that the distinction was obvious the public safety permitted the one, but did not allow of the other, The throne could not be divided, and therefore it must be filled by a protestant. If by any natural ne. cessity all the members of the house of commons or the house of peers must be either protestants or catholics, he would say that they must be all protestants. But as the case stood, it was quite sufficient that a large majority of them should be protestants. Mr. Ward concluded by observing, that for the eight years that he had sat in parliament no question of equal importance with the present had come before them; and he expressed his hope that their decision upon it would

-

bear testimony to some of the best and wisest maxims of civil and religious liberty.

Without pursuing this debate further, which was extremely interesting, we may briefly observe, that all the principal speakers on both sides took a part; and on a division there were

For Mr. Grattan's motion, 264 Against it, 224

Majority

40

March 9.-The speaker addressed general sir Stapleton Cotton in nearly the following terms:

"Sir Stapleton Cotton-In this interval between the active service of war, the proper sphere of your duty is within these walls. The house hails your return with pride and exultation, bringing with you fresh marks of the royal favour, the just reward of your eminent deeds and your tried services. Descended from a long line of ances. tors, whose names have been often recorded in history, and from the earliest periods characterized for those qualities of prudence, generosity, and valour, which have laid the foundation of English greatness,

your race has at all times afforded many models of that worth and valor which have so often dignified the gentlemen of England; always prompt in the discharge of the duties of civil life, and never slow in taking up arms in the cause of their country. Such in no common degree was he from whom you derived your immediate hereditary honours, eminent as he was from his numerous public virtues, not unknown to many persons who now hear me, and remembered by myself with sentiments of the greatest respect and esteem. When in your early years the aspect of public affairs was warlike, you cherished a congenial

congenial spirit, and your military ardour led you to endure the toils and fatigues of war in distant climes. Tried in the same camps, and animated by the same love of glory, as that great captain who now commands our armies, and who fills the world with his renown, you pursued the same brilliant career, and shared in his triumphs. Renouncing the charms of ease at the seat of your forefathers, you followed the British army to the tent ed fields of Portugal and Spain; and having reaped the harvest of our thanks for your services at the battle of Talavera, you now stand here crowned with the never-fading laurels of Salamanca. It is your praise on that memorable day, that having overthrown the enemy at the commencement of the engage. ment, you laid open the road to the glorious victory which followed; and what was thus commenced so successfully by you, was completed by the firmness and perseverance of the rest of the army. These heroic exploits have again entitled you to the gratitude of your country; and in the name and by the command of the commons of Great Britain and Ireland, in parliament assem bled, I now deliver you their un animous thanks for your distinguished exertions in the battle of Salamanca, on the 22d of July last, which terminated in a glorious and decisive victory."

Sir Stapleton Cotton said, he felt himself unable to express the high sense he entertained of the distinguished honour conferred on him. To the bravery and good conduct of the troops under his command was principally to be attributed the success of which such distinguished mention had been made. In a zeal to serve, and an attachment to, his king and country he would yield to

[ocr errors]

no man; and his exertions should be ever directed to render himself worthy of the great honour confer. red on him.

Mr. Grattan then moved, that the house should now pass to the order of the day for taking into further consideration the catholic claims. On the motion that the speaker do leave the chair,,

Mr. Lushington rose to oppose the motion. Many circumstances, he said, ought to have induced the right honourable gentleman who introduced the motion, to show that the Roman catholics did not at present hold the obnoxious doc, trines which had been so often imputed to them. This he was bound to do before the house ought to consent to going into a committee. But no such thing had been as yet done; and, from a paper which he lately saw, circulated by the cas tholics of Ireland in this country, in answer to Mr. Charles Butler, he apprehended that there was little room for hope that they were disposed to concede any thing, or that any thing beneficial would be ultimately effected in the committee. He then alluded to the preamble of the Bill of Rights, and said, while it was not proved that they did not disclaim the doctrine there imputed to them, that it would be dangerous to repeal all the laws now in force against them. To prove his assertion, he read the part of the preamble alluded to; and said that the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Grattan) ought to satisfy the house, that the dangers which caused the Bill of Rights to be enacted were now removed. If this could be effected, he was ready to agree to the measure proposed; but, as he apprehended that it could not be done, he was against the speaker's leaving the chair.

The question was then called for; and on its being put, it was carried in the affirmative. When the house had resolved itself into a committee,

Mr. Grattan said, after the great length to which the discussion of this measure had been carried on a former occasion, that he did not mean to trouble the house very long at present, for it was not to be expected that they should now listen very patiently to any one who should go at large into the question. From the suggestions made to him by some gentlemen opposite, he had taken the liberty of making some alterations in his resolution, since the last time at which it had been submitted to the house. These, he was sure, could not be disapproved of by the opponents of his measure, as their object and tendency was to secure the protestant church and the succession to the crown, as by law established. In his resolution it would appear that he meant to provide effectually for the security of the church and state; and he would take care that his bill should have the same object fully in view. Suppose he was to introduce a clause into the preamble of his bill, saying, it was necessary that the protestant succession should be secured, in order to obtain the concurrence of some of those who opposed his measure, would they not then admit that to be provisional now, and not fundamental, which they formerly, in their comments on the Bill of Rights, contended to be fundamental, and not provisionary? For his own part, he must say, that he valued the principle too much to surrender or lose it for reasons of regulation. If once admitted, it would make the empire one-for it was a principle of union and re

generation. What the people of this country ought to say to the Irish catholics was, "We are friends to our own religion and to your liberty." Mr. Grattan confessed that he was an advocate for delay, and said that we ought not to precipitate the passions, nor to legislate without consulting the feelings of the people, though he did not. admit that we ought generally to be guided by them. He did not wish, by any rash measure, to deprive the house and the country of the benefits which must result from the resolution. If you hold out, said he, the friendly arm of a British parliament to the people of Ireland, depend upon it they will be wise and prudent enough to embrace it. If that house would send out the dove, they might depend upon it, she would in the end bring back the olive branch. He concluded by moving a resolution to the same effect with that stated by him on a former night, expressive of the propriety and expediency of repealing the disqualifications under which the Roman catholics at present laboured, under such limitations, restrictions, and securities, as might be necessary to preserve the protestant religion as by law established, and the protestant succession to the crown of these kingdans.

Mr. Ponsonby having seconded the resolution,

The speaker then rose, and addressed the chair to the following effect:

"Mr. Chairman-As I have not yet met with an opportunity of expressing an opinion on the subject under discussion, and as the resolution moved by the right honourable gentleman is intended to serve as the basis for future proceedings, I am desirous, as well as indisposition

« ZurückWeiter »