Victory has conducted the allied armies to the banks of the Rhine. The first use which their imperial and royal majesties have made of victory, has been to offer peace to his majesty the emperor of the French. An attitude strengthened by the accession of all the sovereigns and princes of Germany has had no influence on the conditions of that peace. These conditions are found-, ed on the independence of the French empire, as well as on the independence of the other states of Europe. The views of the powers are just in their object, generous and liberal in their application, giving security to all, honourable to each.

The allied sovereigns desire that France may be great, powerful, and happy; because the French power, in a state of greatness and strength, is one of the foundations of the social edifice of Europe. They wish that France may be happy, that French commerce may revive, that the arts (those blessings of peace) may again flourish, because a great people can only betranquilin proportion as it is happy. The allied powers confirm to the French empire an extent of territory which France under her kings never knew; because a valiant nation does not fall from its rank, by having in its turn experienced reverses in an obstinate and sanguinary contest, in which it has fought with its accustomed bravery.

But the allied powers also wish to be free, tranquil, and happy, themselves. They desire a state of peace which, by a wise partition of strength, by a just equilibrium, may henceforward preserve their people from the numberless calamities which have overwhelmed Europe for the last twenty years.

The allied powers will not lay

1813.

down their arms until they have attained this great and beneficial result, this noble object of their efforts. They will not lay down their arms, until the political state of Europe be re-established anew,

until immoveable principles have resumed their rights over vain pretensions,-until the sanctity of treaties shall have at last secured a real peace to Europe.

Frankfort, Dec. 1, 1819.

Indeed,

Perhaps no circumstance more clearly points out the wisdom and policy which dictated this paper, than the offence which it gave to Bonaparte personally; for to the French nation it must have been very acceptable and satisfactory: but he actually complained that it appealed from the sovereign to the people; and by the tone of his objections let out his dissatisfaction that it was so moderate. having discovered by this time that the conscription would not supply him with any force at all competent to check the progress of the allies, his only hope rested on his being able to excite the people to rise en masse but this, wearied out with war, and oppressed with calamities of which they regarded him as the author, they were by no means disposed to, especially when they perceived that the object of the allies was their own security, and not the conquest of France. Bonaparte therefore was much perplexed; and in the midst of the difliculties with which he was surrounded he evinced neither talents nor firmness; all that energy of mind, and promptitude and deci sion of conduct, for which he had been celebrated, and by means of which he had mainly risen to his high rank, seemed to have forsaken him. At one time he represented 2 B

the

the object of the allies to be the devastation of France; they were come to avenge themselves for that disgrace and discomfiture which they had suffered from the victorious legions of France. But could Frenchmen quietly submit to the degradation of their native soil by the presence of the savages of Asia? had they forgotten, and if they re membered, were they not eager to emulate the glorious defence which they had made against their invaders at the beginning of the revolution? He declared he wished for peace; but in order to obtain a secure and honourable peace, they must be prepared for war.-At another time he assured them that he had accepted the basis of the terms, proposed by the allies; by those allies whom at other times he had held cut as actuated by the most revengeful and ambitious motives.

But the interest of France and of Europe was principally directed to the speech which he was to address to the legislative body. Their meet ing had been put off till the 19th of November; on that day he ad. dressed them: after again claiming victories, which the defection of his allies had converted into defeat, and dwelling on the great schemes for the prosperity and happiness of the world which he had conceived and wished to have executed,-he declared that, as a monarch and a father, he felt that peace added to the security of thrones, and to that of families; that negotiations had been entered into with the allied powers; and that he had adhered to the preliminary basis which they had presented. He had hoped that before the opening of the session the congress of Manheim would have been assembled: but new delays, which were not to be ascribed

to France, had deferred the mo ment which the wishes of the world eagerly called for. After again de claring his desire for peace, and adverting to the levies and taxes which it was necessary to raise, he con cluded with an invective against England: he trusted that generations to come would not have to say of them that they had sacrificed the best interests of their country; that they had acknowledged the laws which England had in vain sought, during four centuries, to impose on France.

Such was the state of affairs in Europe at the close of the year 1813. The allies, by their procla mation, had abjured all desire to conquer France, or impose a government, or even dishonourable terms, on her. Bonaparte declared that he had accepted the basis proposed by the allies; yet they con tinued to advar ce into France.Bonaparte himself remained at Paris; nor did it appear that, either by means of his conscripts, or by the people rising en masse, he was in a condition to oppose the invaders, who pressed on him in all direc tions. Lord Wellington was in the south; prince Schwartzenberg on the side of Switzerland; Blu cher had crossed near Cologne; and by the liberation of Holland the Netherlands were exposed.

In America the war was still carried on between the United States and Great Britain with an obstinacy on the part of the former in

proportion to the disgrace and disasters which their armies expe rienced. They seemed resolved to gain possession of the Canadas, at whatever expense, or destruction of their troops. But though their ar mies were very far superior to the British and Canadian forces, their generals and officers were so totally

destitute

destitute of military talents and expericace, that during the campaign of 1813 they were repeatedly defeard and driven back. At one time, indeed, they succeeded in gig pussession of several of the fortresses in Upper Canada, and hat actually advanced far into that province; but they were not able to maintain their ground. On the

lakes the combat was more equally poised; for though the British ministry must have been aware, that whoever was master of the lakes must ultimately be master at least of Upper Canada, yet they employed on them a naval force under the command of sir James Yeo, barely sufficient to keep at bay the naval force of the Americans.

Prices of STOCKS for 1813.

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