kind must reprobate and reject, was that plan of employing the resources, of exposing the sinews of our strength to hourly danger, bearing hard upon our finances, yet accomplishing neither object, but falling dead, as it were, between both; such a plan as every one must concur in condemning. It was essentially hostile to the principle of œconomy; it was expense without fruit; and yet that was the system which had been pursued during the last campaign, and during the preceding one. A vast expense of blood and treasure had been lavished, and our resources enfeebled, without accomplishing any one definite or precise object. When it was to end he knew not; but it would be invidious to call upon him or any one, to say how closely calamities might tread upon the footsteps of error. When France was meditating fresh wars in the north of Europe, and when we saw Russia prepared to resist her ambitious designs to the last extremity, what more vigorous or effectual assistance could we have given to Russia than by prosecuting the war in Spain? The best succour we could give to that country, the most essential aid that we could bestow, was by carrying on the war in Spain upon a broad and extensive scale of operations: but it was not so carried on, and he charged upon that system, therefore, in the first instance, a defection from the cause of Russia. He did not, indeed, mean to dispute that the events of the last campaign had not been beneficial to Spain; but his objection was, that those benefits were imperfectly secured, and that they could not be expected to be permanent. Adverting to the hopes held out of a diversion from Sweden, in favour of the operations

of Russia, the noble lord animadverted upon the manner in which the government of this country had conducted itself with reference to that diversion, and in 'all its transactions with Sweden. As it appeared to his mind, a more extraordinary act of diplomacy had never occurred than the treaty which our ministers had concluded with the government of Sweden. It was a treaty which promised · every advantage to Sweden, without guarantying any advantage to England. It was, in fact, a treaty in which, as it had been once observed upon a similar contract, the reciprocity was all on one side; for we had engaged to afford Sweden all the assistance in our power, in her operations against the enemy, or for her own protection, while nothing appeared likely to be done for us on her part. An expedition was expected to sail from Sweden, with a view to co-operate with Russia; but that object was soon abandoned; and in consequence of that abandonment general Victor, who, with his force, waited in Swedish Pomerania to meet the apprehended diversion, was enabled to withdraw, and his division actually formed a part of the army with which Bonaparte made his way to Moscow. Such was the important effect of the inactivity of Sweden, and for that inactivity, so injurious to the objects of the war, it was for ministers, in their diplomatic management with Sweden, to account. This account, indeed, they were bound, for their own justification, to produce. At a meeting which had taken place between the emperor Alexander, lord Cathcart, and the crown prince of Sweden, it was understood to have been ar ranged, that the expedition already alluded to was to have been di A 4

spatched

spatched from Sweden; and so cordially it seemed did ministers enter into the project-so promptly did they determine to forward its progress, with a view to impede the army of France, that transports for the conveyance of the Swedish expedition were ordered to sail from Sheerness on the 19th of September, and Bonaparte entered Moscow on the 14th. So fared this grand and much talked-of expedition. What sort of explanation ministers had in their power to give upon this subject, he could not pretend to conjecture; but it appeared most extraordinary, that after the meeting and discussion he had just mentioned, ministers should not have been enabled to judge of the real disposition of the crown prince of Sweden, or that they should not have taken measures to ascertain whether any change had taken place in that disposition before the useless dispatch of the transports. With respect to Russia, while he was fully disposed to concur in the panegyrics pronounced upon the magnanimity displayed by that power, he would ask, what assistance had our ministers afforded to encourage the display or to aid the operation of that magnanimity? This he was at a loss to know, except the sending the Russians about fifty thousand stand of arms, with lords Cathcart and Walpole, who were no doubt important instruments to aid a great empire in extricating it self from its difficulties, and repelling a formidable foe! Upon the subject of America he thought it necessary to say a few words; and, first, he had no hesitation in saying, that a more unjust attack was never made upon the peace of any nation than that of the American government upon this country, nor could any cause be imagined more com

pletely just than that which this country had to oppose to America. But he must confess that he heard with surprise the passage in the speech from the throne, that ministers still hoped for pacification with America; he meant with surprise, in consequence of the grounds upon which this hope was understood to rest. Nothing appeared more preposterous than the calculation that the repeal of the orders in council would serve to pacify America; for these orders were never in fact the point at issue. Of the conduct of this government throughout its discussions with that of America, he was pretty accurately informed, and he was fully prepared to defend it; especially that part of the discussion in which he was personally concerned. But he would maintain, as he had uniformly stated, that the dispute with America did not originate or rest upon the orders in council, but referred to higher questions, to topics deeply affecting our great maritime rights; to points, indeed, of such importance, that, according to his fullest conviction, the British government could not concede to the pretensions of America without throwing into her hands the trident of the main. No means, he said, should be left unprovided effectually to repel the audacious attack which the Ame rican government had ventured to make upon us. That attack would, he trusted, be completely avenged; the most extensive exertions would be made to convince the American government of its folly and despe ration; and he had no doubt that the best hope of peace with that government would rest upon the manly and vigorous employment of our resources to make it feel sensibly the consequences of war. The only remaining topic in the

speech

speech to which he had to refer, was that with respect to India; in which he felt a peculiar interest. And here he would repeat the wish which he took occasion to express last session, that the affairs of our Indian empire should be fully investigated by their lordships before any system for its future government was finally determined upon. Before he concluded, the noble lord felt particularly called upon to advert to an omission in the speech, which he noticed with surprise and sorrow. He was certainly surprised and sorry to perceive, that after all that had passed upon this subject, after all that had occurred in discussion, and had been excited in hope, no disposition whatever was expressed to conciliate the catholics, or to adjust their claims. It was in the recollection of their lordships what had taken place at the close of the last session, both in that and the other house of parlia ment; that in the latter, indeed, a distinct pledge had been entered into, fully to consider the catholic question, with a view to an ultimate and satisfactory arrangement. Was it now resolved to relinquish this pledge, to set aside all that had been done? There were too many grounds of suspicion upon this subject. Recollecting the expression of the noble earl opposite, (Liverpool,) at the close of the last ses sion, that he would oppose no barrier to the fair discussion of the catholic claims, he could not doubt his candour; but yet he had heard of several proceedings, both in this country and in Ireland, where, to use an old phrase of lord Camden, the hand and fingers of government were too obviously employed with a view to induce persons to capitulate upon this question. The noble lord, after recapitulating the several

heads of his argument, concluded with expressing his opinion, that in creased exertion must be made to strengthen our army in the peninsula, or it would be cruel towards ourselves and our allies to continue the contest-to persevere in an useless effusion of blood and expenditure of money. For without addi tional strength he was persuaded that the object of the war could not be attained, and that the continuance of the struggle, instead of being advantageous to this country, to Spain, or to the continent, would have a directly different operation.

But

Lord Liverpool replied, at considerable length, to the statements and reasoning of the noble marquis, and vindicated the conduct of ministers, who were ready to submit the whole of their conduct to the strictest scrutiny; whether referring to the civil or military government of the country-whether referring to disaster or to triumph-whether furnishing matter for congratulation, or events to deplore. To look for unmixed success, or exemption from misfortune, in a state of war, would indeed be chimerical. he trusted that where misfortune occurred, the mind of parliament, and the public, was too considerate and just, not to distinguish between that which was attributable to the contingencies of war, which resulted from inevitable circumstances, and that for which ministers, or their agents, might be deemed fairly responsible. When the assertion was made, that more ought to have been done for the peninsula, he would beg the house to consider and compare; and, for the purpose of comparison, to look to the most brilliant periods of our history; to the periods of king William and queen Anne, and the great duke of Marlborough. Let

all

all the relative circumstances be fairly taken into view, and he would challenge the comparison. For what was the actual state of our force in that quarter, which the noble marquis had said was so inadequately supplied? Why, that we had on the 25th of June last, in the peninsula and the Mediterranean, an army of no less than 127,000 men in our pay; that is, 91,000 British, including foreign or German troops, with 36,000 Portuguese. Such was our force, independently of Spanish auxiliaries, which received from us all the assistance in our power, in forma. tion, equipment, and pecuniary supply. Nay, the British army alone, under the command of lord Wellington, at the period alluded to, amounted to 58,000. Now he would appeal to their lordships, whether the exertion which had collected such an army deserved to be characterized in such terms as the house had heard from the noble marquis? But more he would ask, whether three years ago any man in England could have been so sanguine as to imagine the collection of such an army practicable? Yet such had been the exertions of that government, which had also to provide for the protection of India, of our numerous colonies in the west, and for our home defence. Then as to our supplies to our American colonies, which the noble marquis professed to think that ministers had left almost wholly unprepared. Now the fact was, that from the 25th of December last to the present, no less than 20,000 men, with 7000 horses, had been sent to that quarter. When, therefore, the noble marquis asserted that we were unprepared for the American war, he would ask him to point out where and how

we were unprepared. Were we unprepared in Canada, or was there any neglect at the admiralty? He was prepared to discuss this question with the noble marquis; and upon this subject, as well as with respect to Spain, he would beg the noble marquis to come to close quarters-to state facts-to bring something specific, and abandon that style of loose and general accusation, of which the house had heard so much in the course of this discussion.-Now, as to the concluding topic of the noble marquis's speech, I have not, said lord L. made use of any expression with respect to the catholic question, to which I do not adhere. My opinion I have always publicly proclaimed upon this subject. have resisted, and I will resist, the proposition for entering into the consideration of the catholic claims, because I cannot see my way to any adjustment of those claims, likely to satisfy the catholics. I therefore think it more consistent to oppose the proposition at once, than seek to defeat it by what are called guards or securities. I meet 'the catholics openly and publicly, and will never attempt to disappoint wishes by any little underhand opposition, by any schemes or subterfuge. My system of opposition I feel to be more fair and candid, and therefore I will continue to pursue it. In stating this to be my intention, I declare merely my individual opinion, without meaning to affect the judgement, or bind the purpose, of any of my friends.

Lord Grenville and several other peers spoke on the subject, but without opposing the address, which was agreed to.

Lord Clive moved the address in the house of commons; and having gone through the different

topics in the speech, his lordship went on to infer, that there had not, of late years, been so favourable a prospect of the independence of Europe, as the present period presented. At the commencement of the last parliament Great Britain stood alone; Portugal was then robbed of the greater part of her territory; Russia and Sweden were at that time neutralized by threats, and Spain by intrigue. Bonaparte had then great resources, and was at the head of a great army commanded by many of the ablest generals in Europe. How different now! Russia and Sweden were now joined with us against him; and he was at this moment obliged to secure his safety by flight. Spain was also now in a very different state from what she then was; one of the greatest armies employed for its subjugation had been defeated by lord Wellington; and the French were obliged to unite their whole disposable force, and thereby to evacuate the southern provinces, in order to check his lordship's advance. What were we to hope from this, but that the spell being broken, and his legions being no longer deemed invincible, the prediction made by a great man now no more, some years past, would at length be realised that Britain being saved from the furnace, Europe would follow the example? He concluded by moving an address, which, as usual, was an echo of the sperch.

Mr. Hart Davis said, that in rising to second the address, it was not his wish or his intention to trespass long upon the indulgence of the house, by a protracted notice of the topics which it contained. They had been so ably elucidated in the speech itself, and the noble mover had so well and so

clearly detailed the reasons that operated on him in proposing the address, that he should have little occasion to detain them very long. With respect to America, every person must lament that the endea vours for bringing about a peace had been unsuccessful. War was, he would confess, a thing always to be deplored; but, as the endeavours to avoid it had been unsuc cessful, he willingly anticipated, on the part of this country, that union and energy in the prosecu tion of it, which the enemy would not fail to employ on their part. He doubted not but the voice both of the house and of the country would concur in the determination to prosecute it with vigour. With respect to the troubles that lately prevailed in the northern parts of the country, he could not but congratulate the house upon their removal, which was to be attributed to the mild and early measures adopted by the government. The time was now, he hoped, arrived, when a more vigorous resistance may be expected to the power and the encroachments of France. It was by a resistance strong and persevering, and by such resistance only, that they could hope for a lasting and honourable peace. Such a

peace was only to be won by impressing upon the enemy a conviction of their power to resist its efforts. It was only by such a peace that they could give to the exhausted powers of Europe, safety, independence, and prosperity.

Mr. Canning followed, in a most eloquent speech, from which we can give but a short outline. I request, said he, the indulgence of the house while I explain my sentiments on the various topics that have been introduced to its notice. A general view of the present

posture