some distance from the city in their full clerical attire But his conduct while in the country was arbitrary and mischievous in the extreme.

James caused several pieces of brass artillery to be melted down and coined. The utmost value of each of these coins was sixpence, but the current value given to them by the preposterously dishonest order 0f James was five pounds! Not contented with subsisting his army, his suite, and his friends, upon this shameful difference between the nominal and intrinsic value of his currency, he went still farther, and did what we think would justify even sterner censure than we have pronounced upon him; for with this same base money, so base as to have scarcely any intrinsic value at all, he purchased vast quantities of every description of goods and shipped them off to France.

In the province of Ulster, where nearly the whole population were traders and protestants, and where much of the real property-tenure was affected by the act of settlement, the tyranny of James aroused a spirit of determined resistance. The king, obstinate and implacable in his resentments, looked upon the dislike of his subjects to such wholesale destruction of both their political liberty and private property, as nothing less than treason against his authority; and made war upon them as fiercely is though they had no more rights than the meanest of the mercenaries by whom he was accompanied. Derry, commanded by the famous protestant clergyman, George Walker, closed her gates against him; and to the steady bravery with which that city held out, as more particularly described in the history of England, it was mainly owing that he was so early driven from the island. Inniskillen resisted him with success; her army of 'prentice boys nobly making good their war-cry of" no surrender ;" and at length, on the 30th of June, 1690, after a little more than fifteen months of tyranny, so senseless that one might almost suppose him to have laboured during the whole time under a judicial blindness, the famous battle of the Boyne drove him forever into that obscurity for which, as concerned the happiness of mankind, he was alone fitted."

The affairs of England now requiring William's presence, he gave up the command of the army to Ginckle, an able general. He defeated the Irish and French at Aughrim, and on the defeated troops taking refuge in Limerick, he at once laid siege to it. But the cause of the fugitive James was at so low an ebb, that even the most enthusiastic of the catholics had given up all anticipation of benefit from farther resistance; and as, from the stern character of Ginckle, it was not likely that he would keep any measure in his wrath, if compelled to take the place by assault, it was determined to treat for peace while it was likely he would listen to reasonable terms. A negotiation was commenced, and after some alteration in the terms had been dictated by Ginckle and acceded to by the garrison, peace was concluded, and the gates of Limerick thrown open on the 3d of October, 1691. When William III. was fairly settled upon his throne. Ireland as well as England began to exhibit manifest improvement in trade and commerce. That some distress should exist was inevitable, but no one can deny that Ireland improved wonderfully and rapidly, upon the whole, during the time that elapsed between the treaty of Limerick and the accession to the English throne of George III., that is to say, from the year 1691 to the year 1760. George III., in the first year of his reign, showed sincere anxiety to promote the prosperity and comfort of his Irish subjects. Public works of importance gave employment to those labourers, who, in the inevitable fluctuations of trade and speculation, were in want of it; new roads were made, piers built at some of the sea-ports, a splendid quay was built at Limerick, and that magnificent canal was planned which connects Dublin with the Shannon, carrying employment and prosperity throughout its course. In 1786, that perpetual source of ll blood, the tithe system, met with determined resistance from a large

party in the south of Ireland, who styled themselves Right-boys. They administered oaths, binding the people not to pay more tithe per acre than a certain sum they fixed—to permit no proctors—and not to allow the clergyman to take his tithes in kind. They also proceeded to fix the rents of land—to raise the wages of labour—and to oppose the collection of the tax called hearth-money. It was impossible that the legislature could allow this violation of the law to pass unnoticed, and in the following year an act was passed, to prevent tumultuous assemblies and illegal combinations.

A very few years passed from this time before the French revolution broke out; when all who were dissatisfied with the government, and hoped to profit by the convulsion into which the country was likely to be thrown, as well as those who sighed for catholic emancipation, or clamoured for redress of grievances, hailed the success of revolutionary principles in that country as the day-spring of liberty in their own; but while they professed to forward a" brotherhood of affection, a communion of rights, and a union of power among Irishmen of every religious persuasion," the leaders of this "association" contemplated nothing short of subversion of the monarchy in Ireland, and a perfect fraternization with the republicans of France, whom they invited to come to their assistance. That such was their intention, was afterwards fully proved on the trials of Napier Tandy and others; and it was also evident from the formation in Dublin of national guards, distinguished by a green uniform, and by buttons with a harp under a cap of liberty instead of a crown. The 9th of December, 1792, was appointed for the general muster of these guards; but the government interfered with their proceedings, and the muster never took place. But, although the progress of insurrection was stayed for a time, the spirit of disaffection only lay dormant till a more favourable opportunity should offer for displaying its activity. At length an arrangement was made between the ringleaders and the French government, that an armament should be sent in the winter of 1796-7, with whom the Irish insurgents would be ready to co-operate. Accordingly, the invading fleet anchored in Bantry Bay, on the 24th of December, 1796; but as the general and a great part of the troops were on board ships that had not arrived, the admiral, after waiting for him a few days, returned to Brest; having previously ascertained, however, that the country was in a better state of defence, and that the population was less disaffected to the English government, than the French directory had reason to suppose.

In May, 1797, a proclamation was issued, declaring the civil power in adequate to quell the insurrection, and ordering the military to act upon the responsibility of their own officers. Many severities were consequently practised; and the United Irishmen, perceiving that their only chance of success was by assuming the appearance of being reduced to obedience, they conducted their operations in a more secret manner, discontinuing their meetings, and putting on the semblance of loyalty with such consummate art that, the government being deceived by these appearances, the administration of justice was again, in about three months from the date of the proclamation, committed to the civil power. The organization of the United Irishmen, however, had been going on all this time in a manner the most secret and effectual. Secretaries, delegates, committees, and even an executive directory, was respectively engaged in furnishing sup plies and arranging the materials necessary for carrying out their plans; and in the spring of 1797, the Irish union was extending far and wide throughout the island. Not being able to propagate their instruction by means of the public press, hand-bills were privately printed and circulated by their agents. In these, abstinence from spirituous liquors was strongly recommended for the two-fold reason of impairing the revenue, and of guard ng against intoxication, lest the secrets of the society should be incautiously

some distance from the city in their full clerical attire But his conduct while in the country was arbitrary and mischievous in the extreme.

James caused several pieces of brass artillery to be melted down and coined. The utmost value of each of these coins was sixpence, but the current value given to them by the preposterously dishonest order of James was five pounds! Not contented with subsisting his army, his suite, and his friends, upon this shameful difference between the nominal and intrinsic value of his currency, he went still farther, and did what we think would justify even sterner censure than we have pronounced upon him; for with this same base money, so base as to have scarcely any intrinsic value at all, he purchased vast quantities of every description of goods and shipped them off to France.

In the province of Ulster, where nearly the whole population were traders and protestants, and where much of the real property-tenure was affected by the ace of settlement, the tyranny of James aroused a spirit of determined resistance. The king, obstinate and implacable in his resentments, looked upon the dislike of his subjects to such wholesale destruction of both their political liberty and private property, as nothing less than treason against his authority; and made war upon them as fiercely as though they had no more rights than the meanest of the mercenaries by whom he was accompanied. Derry, commanded by the famous protestant clergyman, George Walker, closed her gates against him; and to the steady bravery with which that city held out, as more particularly described in the history of England, it was mainly owing that he was so early driven from the island. Inniskillen resisted him with success; her army of 'prentice boys nobly making good their war-cry of "no surrender;" and at length, on the 30th of June, 1690, after a little more than fifteen months of tyranny, so senseless that one might almost suppose him to have laboured during the whole time under a judicial blindness, the famous battle of the Boyne drove him forever into that obscurity for which, as concerned the happiness of mankind, he was alone fitted.

The affairs of England now requiring William's presence, he gave up the command of the army to Ginckle, an able general. He defeated the Irish and French at Aughrim, and on the defeated troops taking refuge in Limerick, he at once laid siege to it. But the cause of the fugitive James was at so low an ebb, that even the most enthusiastic of the catholics had given up all anticipation of benefit from farther resistance; and as, from the stern character of Ginckle, it was not likely that he would keep any measure in his wrath, if compelled to take the place by assault, it was determined to treat for peace while it was likely he would listen to reasonable terms. A negotiation was commenced, and after some alteration in the terms had been dictated by Ginckle and acceded to by the garrison, peace was concluded, and the gates of Limerick thrown open on the 3d of October, 1691. When William III. was fairly settled upon his throne, Ireland as well as England began to exhibit manifest improvement in trade and commerce. That some distress should exist was inevitable, but no one can deny that Ireland improved wonderfully and rapidly, upon the whole, during the time that elapsed between the treaty of Limerick and the accession to the English throne of George III., that is to say, from the year 1691 to the year 1760. George III., in the first year of his reign, showed sincere anxiety to promote the prosperity and comfort of his Irish subjects. Public works of importance gave employment to those labourers, who, in the inevitable fluctuations of trade and speculation, were in want of it; new roads were made, piers built at some of the sea-ports, a splendid quay was built at Limerick, and that magnificent canal was planned which connects Dublin with the Shannon, carrying employment and prosperity throughout its course. In 1786, that perpetual source of ll blood, the tithe system, met with determined resistance from a large

of the greater number of the troops from Ireland, rumours were pro gated of an expected invasion of the island by the French; and, to meet this contingency, the protestants of Ulster and other parts took up arms, and formed themselves into a body of volunteer corps. These bodies soon became sensible of their strength; and having appointed delegates and concerted measures, they proceeded to set about reforming the constitu tion. In this view they published declarations, to the effect that Ireland was a free and independent kingdom, and that no power on earth, except that of the king, lords, and commons of Ireland, could legally enact laws to bind Irishmen. These declarations, which struck a direct blow at the superiority hitherto claimed and asserted by the British parliament, might, and most probably would, at another time, have been successfully resisted. But Great Britain, being then engaged in a desperate contest with her revolted colonies, and with almost all the great European powers, prudently made the concession demanded by the Irish volunteers; and the Independence of Ireland was proclaimed amid the most enthusiastic demonstrations of popular rejoicing.

"In truth, however, this independence was apparent only. The wretched state of the elective franchise in: Ireland was totally inconsistent with anything like real independence; and so venal was the Irish parliament, that any minister, how unpopular soever, had no difficulty in securing a majority in that assembly. Hence the anticipations in which the more sanguine Irish patriots had indulged were destined soon to experience a most mortifying disappointment; and this, and the hopes inspired by the French revolution, terminated in the rebellion of 1798, which was not suppressed without a repetition of the former scenes of devastation and bloodshed.

"The British government at length wisely determined to effect a legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland, and to suppress the separate legislature of the latter. This measure, notwithstanding a strenuous opposition, was happily carried, and took effect from the 1st of January 1801. And, unless it were resolved or wished to put an end to all politi cal connection between the two countries, nothing could be more inexpedient and absurd than the existence of a separate independent legislature for Ireland. Perpetual jealousies could not have failed to arise between it and the legislature of Great Britain, which must necessarily in the end have led to estrangement, and probably separation. A legislative union was the only means of obviating these and other sources of mischief; its repeal would make Ireland a theatre for all sorts of projects and intrigues, and it would be sure to be followed, at no distant period, by the dismemberment of the empire. Its maintenance, therefore, should be regarded as a fundamental principle of policy; and, to give it permanence and stability, every effort should be made to remove all just grounds of complaint on the part of the Irish people, and to make the union one of national interes and affection, as well as of constitutional law."—M'Culloch

THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.

CHAPTER I.

"History," says Dr. Robertson, "which ought to record truth and teach wisdom, often sets out with retailing fiction and absurdities." Never was a sentence more true, nor a truism more necessary to be borne in mind. Relying upon uncertain legends, and the traditions of their bards, still more uncertain, the Scots reckon up a series of kings several ages before the birth of Christ; but the earliest accounts we can depend on, are obtained from Roman historians; and even these are very meagre. The Scots appear to have been descended from the Britons of the south, or from the Caledonians, both of Celtic origin, who being pressed forward by new colonies from Gaul, till they came to the western shores of Britain, there took shipping and passed over to Ireland, about a century before the Christian era. In their new abode, it is said they obtained the name of Scuyts, or Wanderers; from which the modern term Scots is supposed to be derived. About A. D. 320, they returned to Britain, or at least a large colony of them, under the conduct of Fergus, and settled on the coast of Caledonia, whence they had formerly emigrated, and in a few years after we find them associated with the Picts in their expedition against the Roman province of South Britain. The modern inhabitants of Scotland are divided into Highlanders and Lowlanders; but the general name of both is Scots: and if the etymology of that name be correct, we may say, without sarcasm or reproach, that they still merit it as much as their ancestors; for there is scarcely a place in the world where they are not to be found.

There has been much dispute among antiquaries whether, in the first place, the Picts and Caledonians were the same race; and whether, secondly, they were of Gothic origin; but, according to the best authorities, both these points have been very satisfactorily demonstrated. Tacitus describes the Caledonians as being of tall stature, light hair, and blue eyes, and he deduces their Gothic origin from their appearance; the Celts being, on the other hand, a small and dark people, with black eyes and hair.

In the year 81, the Romans, under Agricola, carried their arms into the northern parts of Britain, which they found possessed by the Caledonians, a fierce and warlike people; and having repulsed, rather than conquered them, they erected a strong wall, or line of forts, between the friths of Forth and Clyde, which served as the northern boundary of their empire. In 121, Adrian, on account of the difficulty of defending such a distant frontier, built a second wall much more southward, which extented from Newcastle to Carlisle. However, the country between the two walls was alternately under the dominion of the Romans and the Caledonians. In the reign of Antoninus Pius, the pro-prætor, Lollius Urbius, drove the Scots far to the northward, and repaired the chain of forts built by Agricola, which lay between the Carron on the frith of Forth, and Dunglass on the Clyde. However, after the death of Antoninus, Commodus having recalled Calpurnius Agricola, an able commander, who kept the Scots in awe, a more dangerous war broke out than had ever been experienced by the Romans in that quarter. The Scots having passed the wall, put all the Romans they could meet with to the sword; but they were soon repulsed by Ulpius Marcellus, a general of consummate abilities, whom