alledged against you, it is impossible for me to make a specific reply. I can therefore only say in general terms that the employments you sustained in the year 1776, and in that period of the year, when we experienced our greatest distresses, are a proof that you was not suspected by me of infidelity, or want of integrity; for had the least suspicion of the kind reached my mind, either from observation or report, I should most assuredly have marked you out as a fit object of resentment.

While on our retreat through Jersey, I remember your being sent from Newark, to the Assembly of New Jersey, then sitting, to rouse and animate them to spirited measures for our support; and at the same time gen. Mifflin was sent to Pennsylvania for the same purpose. This employ was certainly a mark of my confidence in you at that time.

Your conduct, so far as it came to my immediate notice, during the short period we lay on the west bank of the Delaware, appeared sollicitous for the public good; and your conduct at Princeton evidenced a spirit and zeal which to me appeared laudable and becoming a man well effected to the cause we were engaged in.

It is rather a disagreeable circumstance to have private and confidential letters, hastily written as all mine of that class are, upon a supposition that they would remain between the parties only, produced as evidence in a matter of public discussion; but conscious

tated going over to the British. He asked Washington for "a few lines expressive of your sense of my conduct in the fall and winter of 1776," and to give his sanction to using the letters Washington had written to him at that time.

that my public and private sentiments are at all times alike; I shall not withhold these letters should you think them absolutely necessary to your justification.

If I have in my possession any such letter as you particularly allude to, it is not at present with me— being in the field perfectly light, I have divested myself of all papers, public and private; but such of late date as I thought I might have occasion, in my present situation to refer to. The others remain at

a considerable distance from me.

I am, &c.

SIR,

TO THOMAS PAINE.

HEAD-QUARTERS, 18 September, 1782.

1

I have the pleasure to acknowledge your favor of the 7th, informing of your proposal to present me with fifty copies of your last publication for the amusement of the army. For this intention you have my sincere thanks, not only on my own account, but for the pleasure, I doubt not the gentlemen of the army will receive from the perusal of your pamphlets.

Your observations on the period of seven years, as it applies itself to and affects British minds, are

'Probably one of the numbers of the Crisis. Paine was now writing a series of articles under that title, suited to the political state of the times. He had laid aside his pen for several months, when, in the February preceding, Mr. Robert Morris induced him to take it up again, and promised him a stipulated sum of money as a compensation for his services. This was done with the knowledge and approbation of General Washington, who was then in Philadelphia. The Crisis was accordingly revived, and continued to the end of the war. See on this subject an extract from Mr. Morris' Diary, in the Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. xii., p. 95.-Sparks.

ingenious, and I wish it may not fail of its effects in the present instance.1 The measures and the policy of the enemy are at present in great perplexity and embarrassment. But I have my fears, whether their necessities, (which are the only operating motive with them,) are yet arrived to that point, which must drive them unavoidably into what they will esteem disagreeable and dishonorable terms of peace; such, for instance, as an absolute, unequivocal admission of American independence, on the terms upon which she can accept it. For this reason, added to the obstinacy of the King, and the probable consonant principles of some of the principal ministers, I have not so full confidence in the success of the present

1 "I fully believe we have seen our worst days over. The spirit of the war on the part of the enemy is certainly on the decline, full as much as we think for. I draw this opinion, not only from the difficulties we know they are in, and the present promiscuous appearance of things, but from the peculiar effect, which certain periods of time have more or less upon all men. The British have accustomed themselves to think of the term of seven years in a manner different from other periods of time. They acquire this partly by habit, by religion, by reason, and by superstition. They serve seven years apprenticeship; they elect their parliament for seven years; they punish by seven years' transportation, or the duplicate, or triplicate of that term; their leases run in the same manner; and they read that Jacob served seven years for one wife and seven years for another; and the same term, likewise, extinguishes all obligations (in certain cases) of debt, or matrimony; and thus this particular period, by a variety of concurrences, has obtained an influence in their minds superior to that of any other number.

"They have now had seven years' war, and are not an inch farther on the continent than when they began. The superstitious and the popular part will conclude that it is not to be; and the reasonable part will think they have tried an unsuccessful scheme long enough, and that it is in vain to try it any longer; and the obstinate part of them will be beaten out, unless, consistent with their former sagacity, they get over the matter at once, by passing a new declaratory act to bend Time in all cases whatsoever, or declare him a rebel."— Thomas Paine to Washington, September 7th.

negotiation for peace as some gentlemen entertain. Should events prove my jealousies to be ill founded, I shall make myself happy under the mistake, consoling myself with the idea of having erred on the safest side, and enjoying with as much satisfaction as any of my countrymen the pleasing issue of our severe The case of Captain Asgill has indeed been spun out to a great length. But with you I hope that its determination will not be unfavorable to this Country. I am, Sir, &c.

contest.

DEAR SIR,

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

VERPLANCK'S POINT, 19 September, 1782.

I have had the pleasure of receiving your favor of the 11th. The political intelligence which we have lately had from Europe is so contradictory, that little dependence can be put upon it, more especially as we have it principally through the channel of an enemy's paper, which I take it for granted, shews as fair a side as possible in their own favor.

Why we have nothing from our ministers is, as you observe, truly unaccountable. In the Parliamentary debates consequent of the death of the Marquis of Rockingham and the resignation of Fox, Burke, &c., one side assert, and the other side deny matters so confidently, that there is no possibility of forming an accurate judgment. I cannot but look I cannot but look upon Lord Rockingham's death, however, as the most unfortunate event, and that, at best, the negociation if not

broken off, will be spun out to a considerable length. This, however, will be soon known, for if the ministry are seriously disposed to Peace, upon such terms as we can accept, their acts must soon evince it. In the meantime it will be our policy to proceed as if no negociations were on foot.

I am extremely glad to hear from good authority that the Dutch Fleet had put to sea. The arrival of public cloathing from Holland is an interesting event -as the army is more in want of Linen just now than * other article-except money.

of

any

*

DEAR SIR,

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

HEAD QUARTERS, 22 September, 1782.

I am really more alarmed at the Contents of your letters of the 29th and 30th of Augt. and 9th of this month, than at any occurrence which hath lately happened and I am embarrassed with respect to one paragraph in that of the 30th of Augt., vizt., “The other which is the principal one, that you may found a warm application on it to the States. You will I hope keep this intirely to yourself. You will see that I have not intrusted a view of it to my Secretary or any the Clerks"-On what am I to found an application to the States but upon your information of your inability to comply with your Contracts in consequence of their tardiness in paying their Taxes? Should I proceed of my own accord, as it were, they will think I am stepping out of my line, and may per