Mrs. Washington unites in affectionate regards for you, Mrs. Clinton, and family; and with every sentiment of friendship and respect, I am, &c.

P. S. Tell Walker, that Mrs. Washington and I join in congratulating with him on his matrimonial connexion, and hope he will enjoy all the comforts and pleasures, which are to be derived from a good wife.1

TO RICHARD Henry Lee, president of cONGRESS.2

MOUNT VERNON, 14 December, 1784.

DEAR SIR, The letter, which you did me the honor to write to me on the 20th of last month, only came to my hands by the post preceding the date of this. For the copy

1 The next morning the House of Assembly passed the following resolution : "" Resolved, nemine contradicente, that, as a mark of their reverence for his character, and affection for his person, a committee of five members be appointed to wait upon him with the respectful regards of this House; to express to him the satisfaction they feel in the opportunity afforded by his presence, of offering this tribute to his merit; and to assure him, that, as they not only retain the most lasting impressions of the transcendent services rendered in his late public character, but have since his return to private life experienced proofs, that no change of situation can turn his thoughts from the welfare of his country, so his happiness can never cease to be an object of their most devout wishes and fervent supplications.

"Mr. Henry, Mr. Madison, Mr. Jones, Mr. C. H. Harrison, and Mr. Carrington are appointed a committee."

To the committee of five members, who were the bearers of this resolve, and of whom Patrick Henry was chairman, General Washington replied:

"My sensibility is deeply affected by this distinguished mark of the affectionate regard of your honorable House. I lament, on this occasion, the want of those powers which would enable me to do justice to my feelings, and shall rely upon your indulgent report to supply the defect; at the same time I pray you to present, for me, the strongest assurances of unalterable affection and gratitude, for this last pleasing and flattering attention of my country."

? Mr. Lee had been chosen President of Congress on the 30th of November.

of the treaty held with the Six Nations, at Fort Stanwix, you will please to accept my thanks. These people have given, I think, all that the United States could reasonably have required of them; more, perhaps, than the State of New York conceives ought to have been asked from them, by any other than their own legislature.

I wish they were better satisfied. Individual States opposing the measures of the United States, encroaching upon the territory of each other, and setting up old and obsolete claims, is verifying the predictions of our enemies, and is truly unfortunate. If the western tribes are as well disposed to treat with us as the Six Nations have been, and will cede a competent district of country northwest of the Ohio to answer our present purposes, it would be a circumstance as unexpected as pleasing to me; for it was apprehended, that they should agree to the latter reluctantly if at all; but the example of the Northern Indians, who, (if they have not relinquished their claim,) have pretensions to a large part of those lands, may have a powerful influence on the western gentry, and smooth the way for the commissioners, who have proceeded to Cayahoga.'

1 The commissioners, Wolcott, Lee, and Butler, came to Fort Stanwix and found Lafayette already there. On a suggestion, and after some bickering, the Marquis made a speech to the Indians, and was, during his stay, of more importance to them than the commissioners, which gave umbrage to Arthur Lee. Madison, who was also present, details the matter, and hints that the commissioners were embarrassed by their instructions, "which left them no space for negotiation or concession." They were also impeded by the independent negotiations of New York with the Indians. "The Governor of this State not only attempted to hold a treaty before and separate from that of the U. S., but has absolutely done all in his power to frustrate ours.”—Arthur Lee to

It gave me pleasure to find, by the last gazettes, that a sufficient number of States had assembled to form a Congress, and that you were chosen to preside in it.1 On this event, permit me to offer my compliments of congratulation. To whatever causes the delay of this meeting may have been ascribed, it most certainly has an unfavorable aspect; contributes to lessen, already too low, the dignity and importance of the federal government, and is hurtful to our national character in the eyes of Europe.

It is said (I do not know how founded), that our Assembly have repealed their former act respecting British debts. If this be true, and the State of New York has not acted repugnantly to the terms of the treaty, the British government can no longer hold the western posts under that cover; but I shall be mistaken if they do not entrench themselves behind some other Jacob Read, 29 October, 1784. In one of Washington's letters, it is hinted, that the negotiations were fruitless, as the deputies on the part of the Indians were not properly authorized to treat-an error, perhaps, for deputies of Congress. For it led him to add: "Certain it is in my opinion that there is a kind of fatality attending all our public measures. Inconceivable delays, particular states counteracting the plans of the United States when submitted to them, opposing each other upon all occasions, torn by internal disputes, or supinely negligent and inattentive to every thing which is not local and self-interesting, and very often short sighted in these,-make up our system of conduct. Would to God our own countrymen, who are entrusted with the management of the political machine, could view things by that large and extensive scale upon which it is measured by foreigners, and by the statesmen of Europe, who see what we might be and predict what we shall come to. In fact, our federal government is a name without substance. No state is longer bound by its edicts than it suits present purposes, without looking to the Consequences. How then can we fail in a little time becoming the sport of European politics, and the victims of our own policy."-To Knox, 5 November, 1784.

1 Although Congress was to have assembled October 30th, it was not organized until November 30th.

expedient to effect it, or will appoint a time for surrendering them, of which we cannot avail ourselves; the probable consequence of which will be the destruction of the works.1

The Assemblies of Virginia and Maryland have now under consideration the extension of the inland navigation of the rivers Potomac and James, and opening a communication between them and the western waters. They seem fully impressed with the

1 In December, 1783, the Virginia Assembly revived two acts passed during the war, which suspended all voluntary and fraudulent assignments of debt, and as to others, allowed real and personal property to be tendered in discharge of executions. Joseph Jones, deeming speedy payment of the debts due to British creditors impracticable, wished to make periodical payments of the principal, though, with Jefferson, of the opinion that the treaty subjected debtors to the payment of interest also.-Jones to Jefferson, 28 February, 1784. In June, 1784, the courts were to be opened to British suits only when reparation should have been made for negroes carried off by the British. The minority of the State Senate protested against this measure, and it was admitted that a large majority of the people condemned it, either from a sense of justice or national faith.—Madison to Jefferson, 3 July and 20 August, 1784. In November the proposition of Mr. Jones passed in committee by a large majority, disallowing the interest, and it was to this bill, as yet not a law, that Washington referred. After discussing the terms of payment, the measure went to the Senate, where some discriminations were inserted; it was, in a committee of conference, made acceptable to both Houses, but its final acceptance was prevented by the adjournment of the Assembly.-Madison to Jefferson, 9 January, 1785.

In March, 1783, New York passed an act declaring that in any action by the proprietor of a house or tenement against the occupant, no military order should be a justification. It was on this law that the case of Rutgers vs. Waddington was tried. In May, 1784, a law was passed confirming in express terms all confiscations before made, notwithstanding errors in the proceedings, and taking away the writ of error upon any judgment previously rendered. This act, passed when the feeling was strongly aroused over the British retention of the posts, was, in Hamilton's opinion, a new confiscation, and involved an infraction of the treaty.-Hamilton's Works (Lodge), iv., 408. It may be noted that Hamilton believed that "it was not till about May, 1784, that we can charge upon Great Britain a delinquency as to the surrender of the posts."

political as well as the commercial advantages, which would result from the accomplishment of these great objects, and I hope will embrace the present moment to put them in train for speedy execution. Would it not, at the same time, be worthy of the wisdom and attention of Congress to have the western waters well explored, the navigation of them fully ascertained, accurately laid down, and a complete and perfect map made of the country; at least as far westwardly as the Miamies, running into the Ohio and Lake Erie, and to see how the waters of them communicate with the River St. Joseph, which empties into the Lake Michigan, and with the Wabash. I cannot forbear observing here that the Miami village, in Hutchins's map, if it and the waters here mentioned are laid down with any degree of accuracy, points to a very important post for the Union. The expense attending the undertaking could not be great, the advantages would be unbounded; for sure I am, nature has made such a display of her bounties in those regions, that the more the country is explored, the more it will rise in estimation, consequently the greater will the revenue be to the Union.

Would there be any impropriety, do you think, Sir, in reserving for special sale all mines, minerals, and salt springs, in the general grants of land belonging to the United States? The public, instead of the few knowing ones, might in this case receive the benefits, which would result from the sale of them, without infringing any rule of justice that occurs to me, or their own laws; but, on the contrary, inflict a just