favors, even where they are voluntarily offered, from any but relations. It will not do to touch upon this subject in a letter to her, and therefore I have avoided it.

I do not believe that Sir Guy Carleton gives countenance to those dirty picaroons that infest your rivers. If they are encouraged at all, it must be by the Admiral, in whose element they are; but I am rather inclined to think that they are navigated by a lawless banditti, who would rob both sides with equal facility, if they could do it with equal impunity.

With respect to Peace, we are held in a very disagreeable state of suspence, and shall remain in it, I expect, 'till some time in February. My opinion of it, however, has been uniformly the same since the death of the Marquis of Rockingham, and succession of Mr. Fox. It is, that nothing would be concluded 'till the meeting of the British Parliament in November, and if the influence of the Crown could prevent it, that it would not take place even then, if the independence of this country is to be a consequence of it. That previous to the session, the negotiation from the Court of Britain would be employed in intriguing, in an investigation of powers, hearing propositions, and probing the intentions and expectations of the belligerent powers, to the bottom. The latter being accomplished, Lord Shelburne, if he found himself standing upon slippery ground, or that the voice of the people was loud for peace, would say to Parliament that after many months spent in negotiation, here are the best terms we can obtain; and, as they

involve consequences of great national concern, and have been the subject of seven years war and debate, it is fitting that Parliament should decide on them, and either accept them, or prepare vigorously for the prosecution of the war. This would put the matter upon a broad basis, remove responsibility from his door, and blunt the edge of opposition, which otherwise I am persuaded will be found to be very keen. The King having by his letters patent (which I have seen) authorised Mr. Oswald to treat with any commissioner or commissioners from the United States of America, vested with proper powers, is certainly a great point gained; but it was unavoidable on their part, and our commissioners refused to enter upon any business with Mr. Oswald without. And the minister dared not to meet the Parliament without having attempted something under the Peace Bill which passed the session before. Upon the whole, I am of opinion that the terms of Peace were agreed upon before the adjournment for the Christmas holidays, or that we shall have at least another campaign. How well the States have provided for the continuance of the war, let their acts and their policy answer. The army as usual is without pay, and a great part of the soldiery without shirts; and tho' the patience of them is equally threadbare, it seems to be a matter of small concern to those at a distance. In truth, if one was to hazard an opinion for them on this subject, it would be, that the army having contracted a habit of encountering distress and difficulties, and of living without money, it would be injurious to it, to intro

duce other customs. We have, however, (but this depended upon ourselves) built the most comfortable barracks in the vicinity of this place (wch. is near Wt. Point) that the troops have ever yet been in.

I was very sorry to find that my sister was in bad health. I suppose you are to be congratulated on your gouty fit. My love, in which Mrs. Washington joins, is offered to you both and the rest of the family. Compliments to all friends.

SIR,

TO SAMUEL OGDEN.

NEWBURG, 19 January, 1783.

In every conversation which I have had with you, on the subject of your letters of the 31st of last month, and 15th inst., I was pointed, because I meant to deal candidly, in assuring you, it was not my intention to interest myself in behalf of any particular characters, that my motives were altogether public, and that if I could not take the business up upon the broadest basis, and while a defection on the part of the refugees would be productive of advantages to the American cause, I would have no concern with it.

I am sorry to observe to you, that there appears to me to be a delay on the part of the refugees or loyalists, which is to be ascribed more to design than to necessity. It seems as if the object with them was to get at the ultimatum of Great Britain, before any decided steps should be taken with the country they have abandoned. This, sir, you will do me the jus

tice to acknowledge, is not only incompatible with my ideas, but to my express declaration to you :-for the foundation on which I meant to build, and the only one upon which I could attempt to include and recommend obnoxious characters, was their decision and influence; and the consequent advantages, while the intention of the enemy should be suspended and unknown.

The matter has already been near three months in agitation, and for aught that has come to my knowledge, is yet in statu quo. One month, perhaps, a few days now, will unfold the designs of the British cabinet, or rather those of the Parliament. Let me ask then, if these be to prosecute the war vigorously, will the gentlemen of that class, in whose behalf you particularly interest yourself (after their address to the king of Great Britain, which I have lately seen) give any aid to this country? If the determination is in favor of peace, and peace takes place on the terms which are expected, will not their inveterate obstinacy and procrastination, put it out of the power of any man, to adduce an argument in their favor?

I confess to you, Sir, their policy strikes me in so unfavorable a point of view, that I no longer find an inclination to have any further agency in the business; for I am convinced from their address, and other circumstances, that they will never turn their faces towards this country until the back of Great Britain is turn'd upon them. And that their delay proceeds from no other cause than an intention to await the event of their application in another quarter.

I have only to add that I am the more confirmed in this opinion, upon observing that there is no idea held up in the in the copy of your brother's letter of the 3d of December (the original of which never came to my hands,) or in any of the subsequent ones, which gives the smallest insight into the business; or that will support me in any deduction favorable to it; the former of which is expressly contrary to the information I received from you at our last interview, as the letter from your brother to you (which was to pass through my hands) was to be couched in such terms, as I should understand, tho' unintelligible to others, who should be unacquainted with the business. Your own letter of the 31st, committed to the care of Mr. Morris, was brought here a few days ago only, by a common soldier, who delivered it at the office and retired before I had read, and could enquire how he came by it, nor do I know at this hour. Upon the maturest consideration, Sir, I have so fully made up my judgment on this subject, that I could wish never to hear any thing farther upon it. I am, sir, &c.

SIR:

TO MAJOR THOMAS LANSDALE.

NEWBURG, 25 January, 1783.

I was hurt yesterday at the appearance of the Detachment under your Command, as I conceive you must have been, if you viewed and drew a comparison between it and the Regiment on your Left. The