their oppressors, the beys and mamalukes, seemed to confirm; since at this epocha the detachment of the army on the coast had defeated the forces sent against it by Ibrabim, who had fled towards Syria, and Desaix had fought and put to flight the troops of Murad near the pyramids of Saccara in Upper Egypt. This cordial friendship was, however, but outward seeming. Notwithstanding the professions of regard which the French had published for their ally the emperor at Constantinople, and the assurances they had held out that the invasion of Egypt and the expulsion of the beys were measures which merited or had obtained his assent, the news arrived at Cairo, that this alliance had received so little of his approbation, that he had thought fit to declare war against the invaders and the French nation. It was probably from some vague information which they received, for the firman, or declaration of war, was not yet known, that the faithful thought themselves bound to regard the French as common enemies, and to execute, as far as lay in their power, the mandates of their sovereign. The insurrection was not of long duration. The insurgents assembled in groups in the morning (21st October), and betrayed signs of an approaching sedition. The French commander of Cairo, general Dupuis, who had gone a mongst them to inquire into the causes of these assemblies, was massacred, together with several soldiers. The French immediately flew to arms, and the insurgents poured in from all quarters. Every insulated Frenchman fell the victim of their fury. The house of general Caffarelli was besieged and taken. Those who had defended it were put to death, and the philosophical instruments and working shops which had been there deposited were destroyed. The French recovering from their surprise, made a strong and speedy resistance to the torrent; the cannon was pointed in every direction. The Turks and Arabs, who composed the mass of the revolt, were soon put to flight, and took refuge in their mosques, which they considered as inviolable asylums, since no Frenchman had hitherto presumed to enter those sacred places, from that regard for the religious usages of the people, which Bonaparte had never ceased to inculcate. But as these temples were now perverted from their solemn usages by the worshippers themselves, being turned into fortresses of war and offence, the French thought themselves no longer bound to treat them with their wonted respect. parte, unwilling to come to violent extremities with the multitude, summoned the insurgents to surrender their chiefs; the Turks refused the compromise, the mosques were forced by the soldiery, and all who were within perished. Bona This revolt, fatal to the Turks and Arabs, served only to confirm the power and influence of Bonaparte. The Egyptians had taken no part; and the Greeks, who had hitherto remained neuter, joined with the French on the day of the insurrection, and considered the event, as their release from Turkish bondage. This accession of opinion and force was deemed favourable to the further designs of the French general, who published the declaration of war made against him by the Ottoman porte, which he had then received; and having taken means to secure the continuance of tranquillity, he began to make make preparations for the extension of his conquests, or to use the revolutionary language of the in vader, "for the further deliverance and regeneration of the Eastern world." CHAP. VII. Retrospect continued. Political Situation of Holland. Refusal of the Legislative and Executive Powers to abandon their Functions. Remm:trances against this Measure. Revolt against the Government in Holland. Provisionary Government formed. Nomination of Constitutional Legislative and Executive Powers. State of the French Armies on the Rhine. Conference at Seltz. Appearance of Hostilities between the Empire and France. State of Public Corruption in the French Republic. Laws respecting the Uniformity of Weights and Measures. Extension of the Powers of Military Commissions. Expedition of the English against Ostend. Plan of Universal Conscription for keeping up the National Force in France. Despotic Influence of the Directory over the Legislative Body. Situation of the Cisalpine Republic. Nomination of the Legislative and Executive Powers by Bonaparte. Treaty of Alliance between the Cisalpine and French Republics. Divisions in the Councils. Acceptance of the Treaty. Arbitrary Conduct of the French at Milan. Formation of a new Constitution for the Cisalpine Republic, by a Member of the French Directory. Conduct of the French Embassader at Milan. The Cisalpines accept the proposed Constitution. Negotiation with the French Directory against its Application. Revolution in the Government at Milan effected by the French. Consequences of the Revolution. Finances. Prolongation of the Powers of the Directory. Decadary Festivals. Levy of Two Hundred Thousand Men. Enterprise on Ireland. American Negotiations. Insurrection in the United Departments. Change of Government in the Cisalpine Republic effected by General Brune. Cisalpine Constitution accepted. Change of Government in the Cisalpine effected by Rivaud. State of the Helvetic Republic. Insurrection in the Canton of Underwalden. Laws on Emigration. Treaty between the Helvetic and French Governments. State of the Ligurian Republic. Changes in the Ligurian Councils effected by the French Minister. Banishment of the Disaffected and the Clergy. Refusal of the Ligurians to place a French General at the Head of their Military Forces. Ligurian National Institute. Failure of Negotiations between the Court of Portugal and the French Republic. Spain. State of the Batavian Republic. State of St. Domingo. Declaration of War by the Ottoman Porte. Entrance into the Grisons of the Austrian Troops. March of the Neapolitan Army. Declaration of War against the Kings of Naples and Sardinia. Abdication of the King of Sardinia, Formation of a Provisionary Government. Entrance of the Neapolitan Army into Rome. Defeat of the Neapolitan Army, and Evacuation of Rome. Rejection of the Armistice offered by the Neapolitan General. View of the contending Parties at the Congress of Radstadt. Propositions of the French P 2 Ministers BRITISH AND Ministers. Answer of the Deputation. Menacing Note of the French Ministers. Reply of the Deputation. Forcible Representations of the French Ministers. Concessions of the Deputation. THE HE indisposition of the government towards jacobinism was not confined to France. The revolution which the executive directory had operated in Holland in the beginning of the year 1798, although it removed from the helm of affairs those pilots who did not govern it agreeably to their wishes, had placed others whose sentiments and conduct were still less accordant. The jacobin party had now the complete ascendency in Holland; and although the legislative administration, and the directory which had been formed under the auspices of La Croix, the French minister, were destined to remain no longer than till the constitution which they had presented had been duly accepted, they felt no disposition to give up their power; but, after having deliberated in secret committees several days on the best mode of retaining it, the assembly on the 5th of May made the object of their discussions public, by declaring, that although they were virtually dissolved by the acceptance of the constitution, yet the dangers which still continued to threaten the country had détermined the members to agree that no renewal should take place that year; but that the present deputies should form themselves into a legislative body, and continue their functions together with the present directory. This further step towards despotism met with loud reclamations from various quarters; it was urged in no measured language, that the assembly usurped a power warranted neither by the constitution, nor accordant with their repeated declarations; that the continuance of the present directory, and the self-election of their own body, principles which they had just sworn were a manifest violation of the convention of France proposed the to observe that when the national partial renovation of the first legislative assembly, it was a proposition accepted by the people with the constitution; but that, in the had been made to the primary aspresent case, no appeal whatever semblies, and that the present measure was an act of the grossest violation of their rights. strenuous opposition to this decision The person who made the most of the constituent assembly was most instrumental in promoting the general Daendels, who had been late revolution. La Croix, before whom he made these remonstrances, did not partake his indignation, and the Dutch directory gave orders for his arrest caped to Paris with a passport given He eshim by general Joubert, who then no difficulty in making the French commanded in Holland, and found directory assent to his propositions of making another revolution. Daendels thus armed returned to the Hague The Dutch directory, who had to justify his conduct. some intimation of the subject of his interviews at Paris, satisfied themselves with treating him as a disaffected person, and a rebel, and refused him the military ho nours due to his rank. His return was, however, hailed by the ofrespectable part of the citizens, who ficers of the army, and the most assembled to partake of a repast at they were ready to lay it down the instant that the primary assemblies, then about to be convoked, should have named a legislative body according to the forms of the constitution. his house; which meeting was denounced by the directory as a reunion of conspirators. The legislative body, meanwhile, seeing their existence threatened, together with that of the directory, declared in secret committees that the country. In the month of June these aswas in danger; and began to make semblies took place. The new leserious preparations for their per- gislative body, composed of a great sonal defence, after giving orders to number of members of the first naarrest such persons as had promoted tional assembly, opened its sittings the meeting at the house of general the thirteenth of July; and, on the Daendels. Amongst this number tenth of August, the council of were the ministers of state, who, ancients nominated the five memfeeling that the moment of their bers who were to compose the exeaccusation was that either of their cutive directory. death or deliverance, erected themselves into a provisionary executive power, summoned all the principal officers of the Dutch troops before them, and took their oath of allegiance. Having secured this point, it required no great effort to gain over the soldiery. and the national guards, who had been called out by the directory. The command of the military force was entrusted to Daendels, who lost no time in surrounding both the directory, the legislative body, and the French ambassador La Croix. Two of the five directors who had disapproved the conduct of their colleagues had given in their dismission in the morning; two others, Vreede and Fingen, effected their escape. Vanlangen was the only one arrested, with two members of the legislative body. La Croix was set at liberty, and ordered to return to Paris. His secretary, Ducange, who, having more energy and talents, with an equal share of intrigue and Cunning, had directed the operations of his master, was ordered to quit both the French and the Dutch territory. The government was left in the hands of the provisionary power, the members of which announced in a proclamation that Although peace had been made with the emperor, the French republic did not think it prudent to withdraw its troops till a general pacification had been concluded with the empire. During the sitting of the congress, France had kept a considerable number of forces both in the conquered countries of Germany, and in the new republics of Italy. By the different movements of these troops, the French government thought itself enabled, in case of necessity, to menace Germany, hasten the decision of the congress, put in execution the plans agreed on with the greater powers, or seize on favourable positions in case of a rupture. It appears, that, according to the secret articles of the treaty at Udine, the French troops were to be put in possession of the fortress of Ehrenbreitstein, and keep it as a guarantee till the conclusion of the peace, of which its demolition was to be one of the principal articles. An army had advanced to take possession; but the commander having refused to surrender, and, on the contrary, defending it vigorously, they were constrained to turn their attack into a blockade, the rigour of which daily increased, notwithstanding P 3 the the continued and pressing solicitations of the congress. At the same time another division having taken peaceable possession of the bridge and fort of the Rhine, op posite to Manheim, had begun its demolition; and general Hatry, in the name of the French republic, had entered Mentz and Cassal, which the imperial troops had quietly evacuated. These measures were executed before the change had taken place in the dispositions of the court of Vienna towards France, the symp toms of which were not only discovered during the former part of the sittings of the congress, but were stated to have been inttle dissembled in the insult which Bernadotte, the French ambassador at that court, received some time after his arrival at Vienna, and which led him to quit that situation. This incident is said to have given rise to a conference which took place at Seltz, between François de Neufchâteau and count Cobentzel. Both parties had announced that this political interview had no relation with the affairs of the congress at Radstadt, and nothing was positively known either with regard to the object or the result of these conferences, since nothing was officially published at the time, and the two ministers separated 6th July, without any visible change taking place in the political situation of their respective powers. But time reveals most secrets; and it has since been well understood, that a vast plan, which was to change the form of the whole of Italy, had been proposed by the agent of the imperial court. In this scheme of partition, France was to have had the greater part of Piedmont, the Cisalpine and Ligurian republics were to have undergone new di visions, and considerable losses of territory, of which Mantua and a certain extent of country were to fall to the lot of the emperor. The directory would not accede to these propositions, not only because such arrangements, by aggrandising the house of Austria, would have been displeasing to Prussia, but that such a dismemberment, would have been too manifestly a violation of its loyalty towards the new republic. The misunderstanding between the emperor and the French republic was at this time visibly increased, so that a rupture seemed unavoidable. Both powers began to wear the appearance of making formidable preparations, and of adopting such measures as indicated that the war, if it took place, would not be less disastrous than that which had just ended. During the summer, troops had begun to march towards Italy. A camp had been laid out near Vienna; considerable forces were advancing to. wards Brecia and Mantua, and the posts in the Tyrol were put in the best posture of defence. The frontier towns of the Venetian states were strongly fortified, and a considerable army was assembled between the lake of Constance and along the Rhine to the Tyrol. The French government gave orders also to recruit their forces in different points, to put the fortresses in Italy in a proper state of defence, and to send reinforcements across the Rhine, and towards the frontiers. The war department of France had been, since the 18th of Fructidor, in the hands of Scherer, a near relation of the director Rewbell. It was not the vice of ambition alone which pervaded at this period the governing powers of the republic. The history of the in |