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argue it, and prudence, he owned, was a very useful quality, and a part of every man's duty to his country. He said he had formerly observed, in the course of this most irregular debate, that the body of the country was yet untainted with this French malady. The House smiled at the expression, and Mr. Burke observed, that there might be some allusion, which might not be so proper. He hoped there was a very little minority indeed out of doors, who were disaffected with the English constitution, and who wished to put the country out of love with it, by endeavouring to fill them with admiration for another. He was asked why he did not come forward with this business as a distinct subject? He said before he did that it would be proper first to know what support he was likely to have. He must know how Government stood affected to the business, and also how the other side of the House liked it. He had sat six-and-twenty years in that House, and had never called any man to order in his life. This being a question of prudence, he thought it was the part of a wise man, and good citizen, rather to discountenance the measure, and to admonish those who might entertain those designs, of their danger, than to come immediately to the knife. He knew there was a levity natural to mankind; but when they were alarmed, they might recollect themselves, and correct those things which he should be sorry if the law were to correct for them.

(Here there was a loud cry of "Chair! chair!" and of "Hear! hear!")

Mr. Anstruther interrupted Mr. Burke, and spoke again to order.

Colonel Phipps immediately called Mr. Anstruther to order, conceiving that the right honourable gentleman was not out of order, inasmuch as he had a right to introduce into the debate every topic that was at all applicable to the question.

Mr. Fox said, he still entertained the opinion that he

had stated originally, and he had before spoken seriously, and not ironically. He thought his right honourable friend had a right to enter into the constitution of France, because he had a right to enter into the constitution of Turkey, or that of the Gentoo government, upon just the same principle. But it had been usual, when persons had gone into a question, to state which side of a question they meant to maintain. He confessed he did not know to what side of the question to apply what had been said. He did not know whether his right honourable friend was for or against reading the clauses, paragraph by paragraph. He wished he would favour the Committee with the reasons which induced him to think the bill should be read paragraph by paragraph, or not.

Mr. Grey said it was perfectly true that when a government was to be provided, strictly speaking, he understood that any member had a right to support any form of government, or to shew the evil tendency of another system which had been recommended by others. Yet he thought his right honourable friend had precluded himself from that by stating the view and purpose for which he brought forward that measure. He had said that he did not believe there was a man in that House who wished to alter the constitution; and Mr. Grey believed his right honourable friend was perfectly sincere in that idea: upon what ground then, and upon what principle, was it necessary to go into the French constitution? Because the right honourable gentleman knew a design existed somewhere to overturn the fundamental principles of our constitution. The right honourable gentleman had repeatedly declared that he knew such a design existed. Now if this was his ground, Mr. Grey wished to appeal to the right honourable gentleman himself, and to the Committee, whether that. business ought to be discussed on the Canada bill; and whether that was a fit moment for such a discussion?

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was a duty which that right honourable gentleman owed to his country to discover that design; and if any person was more called upon than another to wish that the discussion should be seriously taken up, it was the right honourable gentleman opposite to him (Mr. Pitt), who was bound to watch over the interests of the country, and to take care that no such design should be carried into effect, and therefore Mr. Grey hoped that the right honourable gentlemen would unite with him in requesting his right honourable friend to drop this business on the Canada bill, and to make a direct charge with all that gravity which the most serious mode of form would allow, for bringing it with due solemnity before the House.

Mr. Chancellor Pitt hoped the honourable gentleman would not call on him to give him an answer, till he could do it consistently with order. He doubted whether what had just been delivered by the honourable gentleman was a speech in order; and unless some question had been moved, or order made to stop the right honourable gentleman, he said he could give no answer without being guilty of an irregularity.

Mr. Grey said, it was not his custom to call for an answer from the right honourable gentleman, when he was precluded from giving that answer. He repeated it, that if any member knew of a design existing to overturn the constitution of the country, it was the duty of that member to bring it forward; and he requested the right honourable ⚫ gentleman to unite with him in entreating his right honourable friend to put an end to a discussion which could not then, with propriety, come before the House. He therefore again called on the right honourable gentleman to adopt the mode of naming a day when he might bring · forward the subject properly, and have it regularly discussed.

Mr. Sheridan made the same application to the right

honourable gentleman opposite to him (Mr. Pitt). He was extremely glad, he said, to find that right honourable gentleman had professed himself an advocate for order.

· Mr. Chancellor Pitt called Mr. Sheridan to order. He submitted it to the Committee, whether, when the question was with respect to the order or disorder of the right honourable gentleman, the honourable gentleman (Mr. Sheridan) had a right to digress from that question?

Mr. Sheridan said, the right honourable gentleman who was out of order, spoke to order. He said, if there were any design to overturn the constitution, it was the duty of that House, and particularly of that right honourable gentleman, to endeavour to follow up the idea, and to prepare, in a fair manly way, for the discussion. (Mr. Sheridan was going on, when he was called to order by Mr. Orde.)

Mr. Sheridan thought it his duty to interrupt the right honourable gentleman whenever he spoke on that question. He had been stating matters which he thought required a separate discussion..

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Colonel Phipps called Mr. Sheridan to order.

Mr. Chancellor Pitt said, whenever any body conceived the right honourable gentleman was out of order, they got and interrupted him. The only way to bring this to a point would be to move, that it was disorderly for him to advert to the French constitution in the present debate. He said he himself could not interrupt him, unless he was convinced he was out of order.

Mr. Burke again submitted to the Committee whether he was orderly or not. He desired to proceed no further without taking the sense of the House upon it. When he spoke of a design that was formed in this country against the constitution, he said, he spoke with all the simplicity of a member of parliament. He did not imagine there were any plots, but he had a knowledge or conviction of them. Mr. Burke complained that his friends had not used him with candour. He said, if they reluctantly forced

him to take a regular day, he should certainly do it, provided they gave him a regular parliamentary call to do it.

Mr. Grey said, he certainly did not mean to shrink from any thing he had before stated. He did not know he could call upon the right honourable gentleman to bring forward the measure, but if the right honourable gentleman knew of any design, it certainly was his duty to mention it.

Mr. Burke asserted that there was such a design, so far as could be collected from the conduct of certain persons in the country, to put us out of love with our constitution. If he was called on regularly, he should certainly make good his charge.

Mr. St. John called Mr. Burke to order a second time. He should think it necessary to take the opinion of the House on his conduct.

Mr. Burke said an attempt was now made, by one who had been formerly his friend, to bring down upon him the censure of the House: it was unfortunate, he said, for him sometimes to be hunted by one party, and sometimes by another. He considered himself to be unfairly treated by those gentlemen with whom he had been accustomed to act, but from whom he now received extreme violence. He should, he said, if the tumult of order abated, proceed in the account he was going to give of the horrible and nefarious consequences flowing from the French idea of the rights of men.

Lord Sheffield spoke to order. Whatever might be said by gentlemen on the other side of the House to the contrary, his lordship declared he was convinced that the right honourable gentleman was disorderly, and would move, "That dissertations on the French constitution, and to read a narrative of the transactions in France, are not regular or orderly on the question, that the clauses of the Quebec Bill be read a second time, paragraph by paragraph."

Mr. Fox seconded the motion.

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