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the ties of nature. In the local situation, was there anything to give a preference to the American constitution, or in the habits of the people? Part of the province was inhabited chiefly by persons who had migrated from the United States. These men had fled from the blessings of American government, and there was no danger of their going back. There might be many causes of emigration not connected with government, such as a more fertile soil, and more genial climate; but they had forsaken all the advantages of a more fertile soil, and more southern latitude, for the bleak and barren regions of Canada*. There was no danger of their being so much shocked by the introduction of the British constitution, as to return. The people of America had, he believed, formed a constitution as well adapted to their circumstances as they could. But, compared with the French, they had a certain quantity of phlegm, of old English good nature, that fitted them better for a republican government. They had also a republican education: their former internal government was republican, and the principles and vices of it were restrained by the beneficence of an over-ruling monarchy in this country. The formation of their constitution was preceded by a long war; in the course of which, by military discipline, they learned order, submission to command, and a regard for great men. They learned what, if it was allowable in so enlightened an age as the present to allude to antiquity, a king of Sparta had said was the great wisdom to be learned in his country,-to command, and to obey. They were trained to government by war, not by plots, murders, and assassinations. In the next place, they had not the materials of monarchy or aristocracy among them. They did not however set up the absurdity, that the nation should govern the nation: that Prince Prettyman should govern Prince Prettyman;

* Here was a very great mistake.

but formed their government, as near as they could, according to the model of the British constitution. Yet he did not say, give this constitution to a British colony; because, if the imitation of the British constitution was so good, why not give them the thing itself? as he who professed to sing like a nightingale was told, by the person to whom he offered his talents, that he could hear the nightingale herself. Hence, he thought the greater number of inhabitants of that description would have no objection to the British constitution; and the British inhabitants were probably not so much corrupted by the clubs of London, and the academies of Paris, as to think any form of government preferable to an old one. The ancient Canadians were next to be considered, and being the most numerous, they were entitled to the greatest attention. Were we to give them the French constitution—a constitution, founded on principles diametrically opposite to our's, that could not assimilate with it in a single point, as different from it as wisdom from folly, as vice from virtue, as the most opposite extremes in nature-a constitution founded on what was called the rights of man? But let this constitution be examined by its practical effects in the French West India colonies. These, notwithstanding three disastrous wars, were most happy and flourishing till they heard of the rights of men. As soon as this system arrived among them, Pandora's box, replete with every mortal evil, seemed to fly open, hell itself to yawn, and every demon of mischief to overspread the face of the earth. Blacks rose against whites, whites against blacks, and each against one another, in murderous hostility; subordination was destroyed, the bonds of society torn asunder, and each man seemed to thirst for the blood of his neighbour.

"Black spirits and white,
"Blue spirits and grey,
"Mingle, mingle, mingle."

All was toil and trouble, discord and blood, from the mo ment that this doctrine was promulgated among them; and he verily believed, that wherever the rights of men were preached up, such ever had been, and ever would be, the consequences. France, who had generously sent them the precious gift of the rights of men, did not like this image of herself reflected in her child, and sent out a body of troops, well seasoned too with the rights of men, to restore order and obedience. These troops, as soon as they arrived, instructed as they were in the principle of government, felt themselves bound to become parties in the general rebellion, and like most of their brethren at home, began asserting their rights by cutting off the head of their general. Mr. Burke read the late accounts from St. Domingo, delivered to the National Assembly, and added, that by way of equivalent for this information, M. Barnave announced the return of the members of the late Colonial Assembly, to the true principles of the constitution. The members of an assembly no longer in existence, had be queathed their return to the principles of the constitution, as their last act and deed as a body, and this was an equivalent for all the horrors occasioned by troops joining in a rebellion, which they were sent to quell! Ought this example to induce us to send to our colonies a cargo of the rights of men? As soon would he send them a bale of infected cotton from Marseilles. If we had so little regard for any of our colonies, as to give them that, for the sake of an experiment, which we would not take to ourselves—if we were for periculum in corpore vili, let us think how it would operate at home. Let us consider the effects of the French constitution on France, a constitution on which he looked not with approbation, but with horror, as involving every principle to be detested, and pregnant with every consequence to be dreaded and abominated, and the use which they proposed to make of it. They had told us themselves; and their partisans in this country, the Revolution and

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Unitarian societies, had told us that they had erected a great monument for the instruction of mankind. was certainly done not without a view to imitation. us see what we were called on to imitate; what were the last acts of the contrivers of this glorious form of government. There were here no doubts of the facts, for they were related by the authors; and there were cases in which the falsest of men might be believed, namely, when they gave a true character of themselves. When they had got a constitution moulded according to the newest pattern of the rights of man; when they had got a king, who was every thing in name, and nothing in reality, over whom as a state prisoner the Marquis de la Fayette, the chief jailor of Paris, mounted guard: he was desirous of taking a little fresh air, and a little recreation in the country, and they granted him a day rule to go five miles from Paris. But then recollecting, as it is the quality of the rights of men never to be secure, that this temporary release from imprisonment might afford the means of escape, they surrounded his carriage, commanded him to stop, and one of the grenadiers of his faithful and loyal body guard presented his bayonet to the breast of the fore-horse

Mr. Baker here called Mr. Burke to order. He said he had sat many years in parliament, and no man entertained a higher opinion of the integrity and abilities of the right honourable gentleman than he did. His eloquence was great, and his powers on many occasions had been irresistible. His abilities might enable him to involve the House in unnecessary altercation: this, perhaps, the right honourable gentleman might do unwittingly for others, and not to serve any purpose of his own: he himself perhaps might be the unwilling instrument, and might involve the country itself in a contest with another nation he could not, therefore, sit any longer without calling him to order; and he should insist upon every person adhering to the question, and that the chairman state what the question

before the Committee was. He said that he had no objection, on any occasion, when questions of this sort came properly before the House, fairly and fully, openly and explicitly, to state his opinion. He had called the right honourable gentleman to order, merely for the sake of the House, and of the peace of the country, and he had a right to say, that the right honourable gentleman's conduct was inconsistent with the order of debate, and the regularity of the proceedings of that House.

The Chairman stated that the question before the Committee was, whether the clauses of the Quebec bill should be read paragraph by paragraph.

Mr. Fox now rose and said that he conceived his right honourable friend could hardly be said to be out of order. It seemed that this was a day of privilege, when any body might stand up, select his mark, and abuse any government he pleased, whether it had any reference or not to the point. in question. Although nobody had said a word on the subject of the French revolution, his right honourable friend had gotten up and abused that event. He might have treated the Gentoo government, or that of China, or the government of Turkey, or the laws of Confucius, precisely in the same manner, and with equal appositeness to the question before the House. Every gentleman had a right that day to abuse the government of every country as much as he pleased, and in as gross terms as he thought proper, or any government, either ancient or modern, with his right honourable friend.

Mr. Burke replied, that the honourable gentleman's conclusion was very ill drawn from his premises. If he was disorderly, he was sorry for it. His right honourable friend had also accused him of abusing governments in very gross terms. He conceived his right honourable friend meant to abuse him in unqualified terms. He had called him to an account for the decency and propriety of his expressions. Mr. Burke said he had been accused of

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