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man was ever more angry with the House ; but never did I write one that could be called other than perfectly respectful towards the
In these compositions I have always found the means of saying very hard things in very soft words.Describe the deeds andmotives of others as you like ; but be, as I have always been, most respectful to those to whom you address your supplications; always observ. ing, however, that the King's ser. vunts, as such, are not amongst those whom you address; and that, therefore, in speaking of their actions and motives, truth is all that you will have to consult; and I recommend to you to call them the King's servants, and by no other name ; for that is what they are,
and they are nothing more. THIRD; if a petition consist of more
than one sheet of paper, the sheets should be attached to each other by good, strong paste; tor, if separated from the petition, they call. not, with propriety, be presented
along with it. FOURTH; if it be the petition of a
single person, it is proper to put it on one side of a sheet of rather large paper, and to send it in a roll; and, in all cases, the band-writing ought to be plain and pretty large, and the matter in distinct paragraphs; and the prayer very clearly stated. The petition ought not to be in the form of a letter, turning over from side to side ; for, though that forms no objection to its reception, still it has a careless look, and not enough of seriousness about
it. 6. Now, then, I have pointed out to
my readers the manner in which they may easily perform their part of this greut duty. Our country, which we all still love, in spite of the oppressio-is which we have to endure, is in state in which it cannot long remain : that state must be greatly changed: look which way you will you see everything upon the
shake: you see the King's servants themselves with nothing but a choice of changes occupying their minds, at the very moment when they are setting all their old professions at defiance, in order to resist the adoption of those changes which alone can produce real tranquillity. Great sacrifices must be made by those who have hitherto made none, but who, on the contrary, have been always gaining. To induce them to make those sacrifices, by means that will not convulse the country, nothing will tend more powerfully than numerous petitions from the people, stating their complaints in respectful but firm language, but calling for reasonable and just methods of removing the grounds of those complaints. For my part, who have so long foreseen this crisis, it has always been my most anxious desire to see a peaceable result. I know well, that, finally, the people will triumph, and the country be as free and as happy as it ever was ; but this is not enough for me; I want the transition to be peaceful ; but, in order to give us even a chance of this, the aristocracy must, at once, give way so far as to satisfy the just and reasonable demands of the industrious classes, who have been so long and so cruelly suffering, and who now clearly see the real causes of those sufferings.
The Reform of the Parliament, if it produce no change in farour of the people, will render them more out of humour, less disposed to bear oppression, than they were before, because, now, if no such change take place, they will reasonably conclude, that there is no hope of obtaining a redress of their grievances ; to an absence of hope despair succeeds, and desperate actions follow desperate thoughts.
DISTRESSES OF THE PEOPLE. “ 1923, when it dropped to 2s.6d.,
and continuerl stationary till May,
and The following is a correct report of “ remained at this price until DecemMr. Fielden's statement relative to the “ her, 1825, when it fell to 2s. 3d.; and distresses of the working people in the “ in February, 1826, to 2s. In April it North, which statement having been “ fell to ls. 9d., in August to ls. 6d., very much misrepresented by the re- " and in April, 1827, to ls. 3d. In May ports in the newspapers, and more mis. “it rose to 1s. 6d., in June to ls. 9d., in represented still by the comments in " August to 2s. In October it was rethe lying newspapers of the North, 1“ duced to ls. 9d. In February, 1828, give it here, vouching for its correct- “ it advanced to 2s. In April it was
It will be recollected that it " reduced to ls. 9:1., in June to 18. 6d.; arose on the debate of the 6. March, on “ in September it rose again to ls. 9d. ; the sugar duties, the granting of which“ in October it fell to Is. 6id. ; in Deduties Mr. Fielden opposed, seeing “cember to Is. 3d., and in May, 1829, that the grievances of the people ought “ to ls. 1d. The average price since to be redressed before the granting of " had been about ls. 3d. Some hon. these, or any other, taxes.
“ Members, he had observed, laughed Mr. John FIELDEN: “A good deal“ while he was reading this statement;
having been said on the reduction of " he would assure those hon. Members, " salaries
and superannuated allow- " that it was no laughing matter for "ances, he would take the opportunity“ these poor work people who had by “of submitting to his Majesty's Go-" these reductions been subjected to se
vernment a criterion, or guide, for " vere and unparalleled privations. Hon.
making reductions in these charges. " Gentlemen, he found, were sceptical, “ He would state the reductions which and even ventured to deny the dis"hehad had to make in the wages of the “ tress, which he in fornier nights had poor man's labour.
He and his “ described ; but here was the proof. partners employed between one and " They need not now be at a loss to two thousand hands in hand-loom- "know what it was that had caused
weaving; and he would give to the " this distress, when they took into ac“ House the wages which he hall paid " count that the labour which “ for a certain description of cloth, well“ paid with 8s. in 1814, had for several “ known in the Manchester market, by " years of late been paid with ls. 3d. “ the name of the third 749. The House “ He hoped that the noble Lord, the “ would perhaps better understand " Chancellor of the Exchequer, would “ what this meant, when he told them " consider these facts. It might be " that it was a light description of calico. “ asked why he had made these reduc" This scale of wages he had taken from " tions; why he did not continue to pay “ his own books; and his veracity on this
This was an important ques • subject he thought no one would ven- “ tion. And he would tell the House
ture to question. In 1814, the price that he had with the greatest reluct“ for weaving one piece was 8s., and “s ance yielded to making these reduc
gradually fell, till, in the latter end/" tions; but he had been compelled “of the year 1816, it was reduced to " by a necessity which he could
2s. Od. In 1817, it was advanced to not control. No Gentleman had
2s. 9d., 3s., and 35. 61. ; and in Sep- “ taken more pains than he had to “ teinber, 1818, to 4s. In February, keep up the value of the poor man's la
1819, it fell to 38. 9d , and continued " bour. He had exerted himself in every to fall, until, in September in the " way which he could devise to effect same year, it was 2s. 6d. In October “ this object. But his exertions had 1820, the price was advanced to“ been unattended by success, and he 2s. 9d., afterwards to 38.; and in Oc- " would tell the noble Lord and the "tober, 1821, to 3s. 3d. In January, “ House a fact connected with this "1822, it had again fallen to 2s. 9d., statement of wages, which was very
"remarkable, and worthy of seriou9/" hon. Gentleman talked of giving re" attention; that, during the whole of " tired allowances, on their giving up “ the period from 1814 to the present “ lucrative appointments.
He would “ time, he had given to his poor weavers “ tell the noble Lord and his colleagues
nearly at all times, one-fourth part of " that, unless some means were devised “the value, or price which the calico “ of giving the poor more food and “I would sell for in the Manchester mar- more clothing for their labour, they “ ket. And this showed that this was “ would not be able to keep the coun" the proportion that belonged to the “ try quiet for any length of time. And
weaver for this descriprion of cloth; “ the means would be wrested from " that his einployers could not give " them of giving superannuated allowmore ; and were exculpated from any
ances, or even salaries at all: the “ blame for adopting the rate of wayes people were looking to this reformed “ which they had not had the power to " Parliament for a redress of their mani. “ alter. He had thus stated the hard- “ fold grievances ; and if their expecta
ships which the poor had bad to un- “ tions were disappointed, very serious
dergo, and were still suffering from " consequences might ensue.” “ this fall in the value of their labour. “ He sat here as the representative of the
poor, and his duty required of himn to “ make their case fully known. But it
might be asked did this bear on the IRISH COERCION BILL. " question before the House? He “ maintained that it did. When hon.
(From the True Sun, 14. March.) “ Members talked of superannuation- A very numerous meeting of the in" allowances, he would bey of them to habitants of the horough of Lambeth " consider the condition of these poor took place yesterday, at the Horns T'a
weavers, few of whom, though work- vern, Kennington, 'for the purpose of “ing hard from Monday morning to taking into consideration the propriety
Saturday night, could earn more than of petitioning the House of Commons “ 6s. a week. What he would ask, was not to pass the bill alleged to be for " that sum, to a man who had to sup- preventing disturbances in Ireland. The
port out of it himself, it wife, and two spacious room was crowded almost to “ children ? What would any Gentle suffocation. Shortly after one o'clock
man in that House think, if he were Mr. O'Connell entered the room, and obliged to try to support himself and was received with the greatest euthu
a small family upon that sun ? How siasm. The borough members (Mr. “could he set to work? Then what Tennyson and Mr. Hawes), Mr. Hunt, “becomes of the poor weaver, when he and several others, also took their places
ceases to have employment or gets on the hustings. “ unfit for it? His einployers cannot Mr. Barton, upon being called to “pension him off. They have not the the chair, shortly stated the object of the
means of doing so. And why should meeting. " the Government adopt a course, in Mr. Fall said it had talle., to his lot “granting these superannuation-allow- to propose the tirst resolution, in repro
ances, which they who are called on bation of a measure which he consider
to furnish the means, could not allopted brutal and bloody, and which had for “ towards theirown work people ? No; its ultimate object the destruction of the “these poor weavers when they can- liberties of Englishmen as well as of “ not get employment, or sufhcient Irishmen. The people of this country
wages for that employment, must had long sympathized with the suffer
go to the parish or sturve. And yet ing people of Belgium, of Portugal, of “ these persons were the subjects of ihe. Spain, and of Poland, anı he was cer
King, and as much entitled to pro- tain they would not deny their sympathy - tection as those individuals, to whom to that great and generous nation which
had nobly and disinterestedly assisted Bill to be unjust, unnecessary, impolitio, England in its struggle with the bo- cruel, and inapplicable; and that the roughmongers. But for the exertions meeting earnestly prayed the House of of the Irish members, Lambeth would Commons not to allow the said bill to not now be a borough. (Loud cheers). become law till remedial measures had The Whigs-the false, 'fleet'ng, Whigs, been tried without avail. who had always liberty on their lips, Mr. O'CONNELL, upon coming forbut tyranny in their hearts, have been ward, was received with loud and longurged on in this measure by the Tories, continued cheering. The hon. and who hoped by drawing on their rivals learned gentleman said, the kind recepthe popular indignation, to return once tion which he experienced, had dissimore to place and power. In his (Mr. pated the only apprehensions which had Fall's) opinion there was but little differ- existed in his mind, namely, thinking he ence between a Whig and a Tory ; the was obtruding himself in a borough former being a thief, and the latter a with which he was wholly unconnected. robber. He had compared the returns of He had felt that he should not be doing the number of offences committed in his duty to his suffering and devoted the British metropolis with the number country, if he had abstained from stating of those committed in Leinster and to any body of Englishınen his opinions Munster, and had found that crime pre- on the measure about to be introduced vailed to much greater extent in Lon into that long-oppressed and muchdon than it did in those two Irish pro- injured nation. It had been observed vinces. What, he asked, would be the by a preceding speaker, that a debt of ultimate consequence of passing the gratitude was due from the English naIrish Coercion Bill? Why it would be lion to the Irish Members for their extended to London, and so put an end warm support of the Reforın Bill in all to all political discussion here, a perfect its stages. This he could not admit. military despotism would be established. They had done no more than their The Whigs confessed that the evils of duty. They had, it was true, forborne Ireland arose froin a long-continued se- pressing the grievances of Ireland upon ries of injuries inflicted upon her by Parliament lest they should impede corrupt governments; nothing could be that great question, which they supmore true. The Irish had been goaded ported from principle, although while it by injuries and insults to desperate was a great and a noble bron to Engacts, and now those who know the land and Scotland, it was but a scanty cause came forward with a measure not one to Ireland. On the motion for of annelioration but of revenge. But abolishing the sinecures in the army and ought not redress to go before ven- wavy also, whilst there was a majority geance or severity? He had seen by of eighty-seven English and fifteen the papers that the aristocracy in this Scottish members against it, there was country had been subscribing for the a majority of eighteen Irish members in distressed Irish clorgymen, who it ap- favour of it; and he felt confident that peared had not been able to collect for his countrymen would not forsake the the last two years the whole of their course on which they had entered. They tithes. One of these rev. gentlemen would be found supporting measures had been obliged, hy distress, to sell his for the relief of England as for “their library; another of them had been own, their native land.” (Tremendous forced to part with his curiosities ; but cheering). For his own part, it did it seemed to be forgotten by our gene- not matter in what clime slavery existrous aristocracy, how many poor pea- ed, he would do his best to put it down. sants might have been deprived of their (Cheers). He came before a body scanty meals to have purchased this li- of Englishmen, whom he had albrary and these curiosities for these rev. ready found deeply sympathizing with gentlemen. He concluded by proposing the people of Ireland, to detail the a resolution declaring the Irish Coercion story of its
of its misfortunes, and to
complain of those dreadful measures Why not apply the measure to Ireland ? about to be introduced under the sanc- They would not only put an end to the tion of a reformed House of Commons, outrages, but to the cause of them, and a Government professing to be the namely, distress. (Cheers). The Whiys friends of liberty all over the world. promised relief to the Irish people ; but, He had asked the House, before suffer- like the witches in Macbeth, they kept ing that dreadful measure to become the word of promise to the ear and law, that it would institute an inquiry broke it to the hope. He had expected into the actual state of his country. real relief for Ireland, but he had been This was denied; they would not waste miserably disappointed; for out of their even the short space of one fortnight; boasted reform of the church of that and all the evidence they had submit- country, only 80,000l. was the good to ted to Parliament was passages selected be derived by the Catholic population. from anonymous letters. He should And in return for that, they would take like to have seen who wrote those let- away thai palladium of the rights of ters, or, at all events, lıe should like to Englishmen and Irishmen--their boasted know by whom they were signed. From trial by jury. A reformed House of Com. such evidence as this, without knowing mons had suffered such a measure to be whether the letters were genuine or not, read twice, and thus placed the liberties Ministers come forward and demand of his countrymen in the hands of a the implicit confidence of Pärliament in pair of whiskered puppies, vomited from carrying their despotism. The dis- the hells of St. James's-street, and far turbances, he freely admitted, prevailed inore skilled in debauchery than in solin a frightful degree in four of the Irish diery, and one superior officer. All of counties, and no one was more desirous them men who might be cashiered tothan he was to put an end to them. He inorrow, without any reason being given was certain he was more sincere in his for it. This was not, this could not be wish to put an end to them than his England, the land of the brave, and the Majesty's Ministers. He trusted he hoine of the free? It was, it must be should live to see the day when Earl Algiers. The hon. and learned Member Grey would be impeached for the mea- then proceeded to describe the frightful sures he was about to introduce into Ire- atrocities which might be, and which land. When Earl Grey and his Whig col- had been committed, in Ireland, under leagues came into office, what was the miltary law, particularly referring to state of England ? In nineteen counties the statements made by Lord Cloncurry far greater disturbances prevailed than in the House of Lords; and then exat present prevailed in any part of Ire- amined in detail the various clauses of land. In those counties large bodies of the bill, which he denounced in very men went from farın to farm breaking strong terms, as à gross, unjustifiable, the machinery,and then extorting money and daring violation of the rights of the from those whom they had already in- subject. In speaking of the clause emjured. The night was rendered still powering the military to make domicimore dreadful by the fires which pre- liary visits, the hon. Meinber said, an vailed. Since that time Bristol had English blacksmith in the days of the been sacked ; the castle of one of Eng-imbecile Richard the Second, struck to land's proudest lords had been taken by the ground a tax-gatherer who had storm and destroyed; and yet Ministers laid indecent hands on his daughter; did not dare to suspend trial by jury, or thousands of Englishmen applauded the the Habeas Corpus Act. No: they deed, and flew to arms; and although knew better; they well knew that En- their leader was treacherously murdered, glishmen were composed of sterner they obtained from that voluptuous tystuff than to submit to such treatinent, rant a recress of their grievances. He They sent special commissions into the trusted there were men in Ireland who counties, and they at the same time would not suffer their daughters to be raised the agricultural labourers' wages. insulted with impunity. (Great cheer